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Bell for the Presidency, 30. Republican Convention, 31. nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency, 32. the four parties, 33. the contest, and election of Lincoln, 34. In the spring of the year 1861, a civil war was kindled in the United States of America, which has neither a pattern in character nor a precedent in causes recorded in the history of mankind. It appears in the annals of the race as a mighty phenomenon, but not an inexplicable one. Gazers upon it at this moment, 1882. when its awfully grand and mysterious proportions rather fill the mind with wonder than excite the reason, look for the half-hidden springs of its existence in different directions among the obscurities of theory. There is a general agreement, however, that the terrible war was clearly the fruit of a conspiracy against the nationality of the Republic, and an attempt, in defiance of the laws of Divine Equity, to establish an Empire upon a basis of injustice and a denial of the dearest rights
a platform was proposed, Leslie Coombs, of Kentucky, an ardent follower and admirer of Henry Clay, took the floor, and put the Convention in the best of humor by a characteristic little speech. He declared that he had constructed three platforms: one for the harmonious Democracy, who had agreed so beautifully, at Charleston; another for the Republicans, about to assemble at Chicago; and a third for the party then around him. For the first, he proposed the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, which seemed to give license for the secession of States, and disunion; for the second, the Blue-Laws of Connecticut; and for the third, the Constitution of the United States--the Constitution as it is, and the Union under it, now and forever. The last sentence touched a Washington Hunt. sympathetic chord in the Convention, of marvelous sensitiveness. The suggestion was received with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of delight; and on the second day of the session, Joseph R. Ingersol
oice of Presidential Electors, in the autumn of 1860, the open career of the living conspirators agacivil War. View of the City of Charleston, in 1860. The two chief political parties into which the voters of the country were divided in 1860, were called, respectively, Democratic and Republicairty-two States, assembled on the 23d of April 1860. in the great hall of the South Carolina Instit in Masonic Hall, on that warm April evening in 1860, proposed as a platform for the Convention and istory of the National Political Conventions in 1860: by M. Halstead, an Eye-witness, page 100. arouistory of the National Political Conventions in 1860, page 158. the Convention adjourned, to meet atfinal adjournment. The Maryland Institute in 1860. The seceders, new and old assembled at noo The first Presbyterian Church, Baltimore, in 1860. The venerable John J. Crittenden, of Kentuistory of the National Political Conventions in 1860, page 189. On the morning of the third day [8 more...]
in earnest professions of love for the Union and the Constitution; and, with such avowals emblazoned on their standards, they went. into the fight, each doubtful of success, and all conscious that a national crisis was at hand. There was a vague presentiment before the minds of reflecting men everywhere, that the time when the practical answer to the great question — What shall be the policy of the Nation concerning Slavery?--could no longer be postponed. The conflict was desperate from July to November, and grew more intense as it approached its culmination at the polls. The Republicans and Douglas Democrats were denounced by their opponents as Abolitionists-treasonably sectional, and practically hostile to the perpetuation of the Union. The Breckinridge party, identified as it unfortunately was with avowed disunionists — men who for long years had been in the habit of threatening to attempt the dissolution of the Union by the process of secession, whenever the revelations of
sicians were abundant. The spacious platform, erected in the Square, was spanned by an immense arch, on which were inscribed the words--the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws. Six days after the adjournment of the National Constitutional Union Convention, the representatives of the Republican party assembled in large numbers at Chicago, Illinois--a city of more than one hundred thousand souls, on the verge of a prairie on the western shore of Lake Michigan, where, in 1830, there were only a small fort, and a few scattered houses of traders — a city illustrious as one of the wonders of the growth of our Republic. All of the Free-labor States were fully represented, and there were delegates from several of the Slave-labor States. An immense building of boards, called a Wigwam at Chicago, in 1860. Wigwam, had been erected by the Republicans of Chicago, at an expense of seven thousand dollars, for the special use of the Convention. It was tastefully decor
e South Carolina Ordinance of Secession was adopted by the unanimous voice of a Convention, was destroyed at the same time. Everything about the site of these buildings, made in famous in history because of the wicked acts performed in them, yet (1865) exhibits a ghastly picture of desolation. on Meeting Street, in which three thousand persons might be comfortably seated. The doors were opened at noon. The day was very warm. A refreshing shower had laid the dust at eleven o'clock, and purifiehose whom they had abandoned, the Rump Convention. On the second day of their session they met in the Theater. This was the fourth place in which the conspirators met in the course of forty-eight hours. All of these. public buildings are now (1865) in ruins. The dress circle was crowded with the women of Charleston. They had hitherto filled the galleries of the Institute Hall. Their sympathies were with the seceders, and they now followed them. President Bayard, a dignified, courtly ge
but went no further then. They refrained from nominating a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, and refused to listen to a proposition to send forth an address to the people. Their appointed work for the present was finished. They had accomplished the positive disruption of the Democratic party, which, as a Southern historian of the war says, had become demoralized on the Slavery question, and were unreliable and rotten, First Year of the War: by Edward A. Pollard. Richmond, 1862, page 28. because they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing States, the pretext. In
the Democratic party, which, as a Southern historian of the war says, had become demoralized on the Slavery question, and were unreliable and rotten, First Year of the War: by Edward A. Pollard. Richmond, 1862, page 28. because they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing States, the pretext. In May, 1833, President Jackson, in a letter to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, of Georgia, after speaking of the trouble he had endured on account of the Nullifiers, said, The Tariff was only the pretext, and Disunion. and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the Ne
There is a general agreement, however, that the terrible war was clearly the fruit of a conspiracy against the nationality of the Republic, and an attempt, in defiance of the laws of Divine Equity, to establish an Empire upon a basis of injustice and a denial of the dearest rights of man. That conspiracy budded when the Constitution of the Republic became the supreme law of the land, Immediately after the adoption of the National Constitution, and the beginning of the National career, in 1789, the family and State pride of Virginians could not feel contented in a sphere of equality in which that Constitution placed all the States. It still claimed for that Commonwealth a superiority, and a right to political and social domination in the Republic. Disunion was openly and widely talked of in Virginia, as a necessary conservator of State supremacy, during Washington's first term as President of the United States, and became more and more a concrete political dogma. It was because
nion Convention, 29. nomination of John Bell for the Presidency, 30. Republican Convention, 31. nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency, 32. the four parties, 33. the contest, and election of Lincoln, 34. In the spring of the year 1861, a civil war was kindled in the United States of America, which has neither a pattern in character nor a precedent in causes recorded in the history of mankind. It appears in the annals of the race as a mighty phenomenon, but not an inexplicable ent, when two hundred and fifty-four votes were cast; and on the second ballot, John Bell, of Tennessee, an eminent politician, then past sixty-three years of age, was nominated for the Presidency. When the Rebellion broke out, in the spring of 1861, Mr. Bell was one of the earliest, if not the very first. of the professed Unionists of distinction who joined the enemies of his country in their attempt to overthrow the Constitution and destroy the nationality of the Republic. The renowned sch
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