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Browsing named entities in Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1..

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May 16th (search for this): chapter 1
m at Chicago, in 1860. Wigwam, had been erected by the Republicans of Chicago, at an expense of seven thousand dollars, for the special use of the Convention. It was tastefully decorated within, and was spacious enough to hold ten thousand persons. A rustic seat, made of a huge knot of a tree, was prepared for the use of the President of the Convention; and everything about the affair was rough and President's chair. rural in appearance. The Convention met in the Wigwam, on the 16th day of May. Not more than one-third of the vast gathering of people could enter the building. E. D. Morgan, of New York, Chairman of the National Republican Executive Committee, called the Convention to order, and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, was chosen temporary chairman. In due time, George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, was chosen permanent President. It was a wise choice. His voice could be heard above any clamor that might be raised in the assembly, and he was remarkable for coolness, clear
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 1
of the Convention. Credentials of delegates were called for, when it was found that almost one-third of all the States were unrepresented. The States not represented were California, Florida, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Oregon, South Carolina, and Wisconsin--ten in all. Toward evening, after a recess, Governor Hunt was elected permanent President. When the subject of a platform was proposed, Leslie Coombs, of Kentucky, an ardent follower and admirer of Henry Clay, took the floor, and put the Convention in the best of humor by a characteristic little speech. He declared that he had constructed three platforms: one for the harmonious Democracy, who had agreed so beautifully, at Charleston; another for the Republicans, about to assemble at Chicago; and a third for the party then around him. For the first, he proposed the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, which seemed to give license for the secession of States, and disunion; for the second,
Everett (search for this): chapter 1
oke out, in the spring of 1861, Mr. Bell was one of the earliest, if not the very first. of the professed Unionists of distinction who joined the enemies of his country in their attempt to overthrow the Constitution and destroy the nationality of the Republic. The renowned scholar, statesman, and diplomat, the late Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, was selected for the office of Vice-president. In the canvass that followed, the adherents of these gentlemen were popularly known as the Bell-Everett party. The greatest harmony prevailed in this Convention. Not a word was said about Americanism, or other old party issues, nor was there a whisper on the subject of Slavery, excepting an ejaculation of Neil S. Brown, of Tennessee, who thanked God that he had at last found a Convention in which the nigger was not the sole subject of consideration. The great topic for speech was the Constitution, which they thought would be imperiled by the election of either Douglas, Breckinridge, or t
1832 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ption of the Democratic party, which, as a Southern historian of the war says, had become demoralized on the Slavery question, and were unreliable and rotten, First Year of the War: by Edward A. Pollard. Richmond, 1862, page 28. because they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing States, the pretext. In May, 1833, President Jackson, in a letter to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, of Georgia, after speaking of the trouble he had endured on account of the Nullifiers, said, The Tariff was only the pretext, and Disunion. and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will
June 18th (search for this): chapter 1
ery little variation as the voting went on. Finally, on the tenth day, when fifty-seven ballotings had been taken with no prospect of a change, it was agreed to adjourn the Convention, to meet in the city of Baltimore, in Maryland, on the eighteenth day of June following. It was also resolved to invite the Democracy of the several States to make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to the Convention when it should reassemble. St. Andrew's Hall. in this buildeasonable drama, remained in Richmond, awaiting further developments of the plot. The adjourned Democratic National Convention reassembled in the Front Street Theater, on Front Streets. , opposite Low Street, in Baltimore, on Monday, the 18th day of June. The parquette and stage were occupied by the delegates, and the dress circle w as filled by spectators — a large portion of whom were women. The delicate and difficult question concerning the admission to seats in the Convention of repres
22nd (search for this): chapter 1
e free scope to the expression of their opinions and feelings; and one of them, a mercantile dealer in slaves, from Georgia, named Gaulden, advocated the reopening of the Slave-trade, and thought he should live to see the day when the doctrines which he advocated would be the doctrines of Massachusetts and of the North. He spoke in language shocking to every right-minded man; yet, while he disgusted a great majority of his hearers, he elicited the applause of many. Finally, on Friday, the 22d, the majority report was adopted, and the places of most of the seceders were filled by Douglas men. Again there was rebellion against the fairly expressed will of the majority. The whole or a part of the delegations from Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Maryland, California, Delaware, and Missouri, withdrew. That night was a gloomy one for those who earnestly desired the unity of the Democratic party. On the following morning, their hopes were utterly blasted when Mr. Cushing, the Pre
October 11th, 1858 AD (search for this): chapter 1
, and of the party it represented. After some further business, the Convention proceeded to the nomination of candidates for the Presidency and Vice-presidency, when George B. Loring, of Massachusetts, arose and said: We have seen the statesmen of Mississippi coming into our own borders and fearlessly defending their principles, ay, and bringing the sectionalism of the North at their feet by their gallantry. One of these was Jefferson Davis. In a speech in Faneuil Hall, on the 11th of October, 1858, while denouncing the Abolitionists as disunionists, he said, pointing to the portraits of the elder Adams and others, on the walls:--If those voices, which breathed the first instincts into the Colony of Massachusetts, and into the other colonies of the United States, to proclaim community — independence — and to assert it against the powerful mother country; if those voices live here still, how must they feel who come here to preach treason to the Constitution, and assail the Union
John Bell (search for this): chapter 1
kinridge for the Presidency, 28. National constitutional Union Convention, 29. nomination of John Bell for the Presidency, 30. Republican Convention, 31. nomination of Abraham Lincoln for the Preand Vice-president, when two hundred and fifty-four votes were cast; and on the second ballot, John Bell, of Tennessee, an eminent politician, then past sixty-three years of age, was nominated for the Presidency. When the Rebellion broke out, in the spring of 1861, Mr. Bell was one of the earliest, if not the very first. of the professed Unionists of distinction who joined the enemies of his dent. In the canvass that followed, the adherents of these gentlemen were popularly known as the Bell-Everett party. The greatest harmony prevailed in this Convention. Not a word was said about Asions of the Supreme Court in all cases. 4. The National Constitutional Union party, led by John Bell, who declined to express any opinion upon any subject, but pointed to the National Constitutio
December 20th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1
to adjourn the Convention, to meet in the city of Baltimore, in Maryland, on the eighteenth day of June following. It was also resolved to invite the Democracy of the several States to make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to the Convention when it should reassemble. St. Andrew's Hall. in this building, as we have observed, the Secession Convention of South Carolina politicians was assemabled when it passed the Ordinance of Secession, on the 20th of December, 1860. The seceding delegates partially organized a convention at St. Andrew's Hall, on the evening after their withdrawal from the regular body. On the following day, at noon, they assembled at Military Hall, when they chose James A. Bayard, of Delaware, to be their president. They declared themselves, by resolution offered by Mr. Yancey, to be entitled to the style of the Constitutional Convention, and sneeringly called those whom they had abandoned, the Rump Convention. On the s
Claiborne F. Jackson (search for this): chapter 1
they held independent views on that great topic of national discussion. The paralysis or destruction of that party would give the Presidency to a Republican candidate, and then the conspirators would have a wished — for pretext for rebellion. When, in 1832 and 1833, Calhoun and his associates in South Carolina attempted to strike a deadly blow at our nationality, they made a protective tariff, which they called an oppression of the cotton-growing States, the pretext. In May, 1833, President Jackson, in a letter to the Rev. A. J. Crawford, of Georgia, after speaking of the trouble he had endured on account of the Nullifiers, said, The Tariff was only the pretext, and Disunion. and a Southern Confederacy the real object. The next pretext will be the Negro or Slavery, question. The seceders were confident that their work had been effectually performed, and their desired object attained. They well knew that their class held such absolute political control in the Slave-labor Stat
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