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England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 9
le sentiments. The members from the seceding States, with a single exception, sent up to the Speaker brief notices of their withdrawal. These were laid silently upon the table when read, and were no further noticed. Almost imperceptibly those traitors disappeared from the Legislative Hall. The exception referred to was Miles Taylor, of Louisiana, who took the occasion to warn the men of the Free-labor States of the peril of offending the cotton interest. He assured them that France and England would break any blockade that might be instituted, and that all the Border Slave-labor States would join those farther South in making war upon the National Government, if any attempt was made to coerce a State, as the enforcement of law was falsely termed. His remarks became so offensive to loyal ears, that Representative Spinner, from the interior of New York, interrupted him, saying, I think it is high time to put a stop to this countenancing treason in the halls of legislation. He mad
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
han any other statesman now living. These revelations; the defiant attitude of the traitors in Congress, in speech and action; the revolutionary movements at Charleston; the startling picture of the perilous condition of the country, given in a Special Message of the President on the 8th, January, 1861. and the roar of the tors to stay its progress, he contented himself with offering insufficient reasons why he had not already done so, by re-enforcing and provisioning the garrison in Fort Sumter before it was too late, and also by urging Congress to submit to the demands of the revolutionists. In this the President acted consistently. He well knew tword of encouragement to the loyal people that he would heed the warning voice of the veteran General Wool, and others, who implored the Government not to yield Fort Sumter to the insurgents, and thereby cause the kindling of a civil war. So long as the United States keep possession of that fort, said Wool, the independence of Sout
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
sing into power, not to meddle with Slavery by means of the National Government, but leave it, as it always had been left, a subject for municipal law alone. In this behavior the South might have seen, if they had not been blinded by passion and misled by false teachers, an exhibition of justice full of promise for the future. They had been repeatedly assured of this during the progress of the session. So early as the 27th of December, Charles Francis Adams, a distinguished citizen of Massachusetts, whose people were the chief offenders of the Oligarchy, offered in the House Committee of Thirty-three a resolution, That it is expedient to propose an amendment to the Constitution, to the effect that no future amendments of it in regard to Slavery shall be made unless proposed by a Slave State, and ratified by all the States. It was passed with only three dissenting voices in the Committee. This resolution was adopted by the House of Representatives by a vote of one hundred and th
Florida (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ll, of Louisiana; Jefferson Davis and Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi; John Hemphill and Lewis T. Wigfall, of Texas; and David L. Yulee and Stephen R. Mallory, of Florida.), who, at that time, resolved, in effect, to assume to themselves the political power of the South, and to control all political and military operations for the 61. These resolutions, and others which the correspondent did not feel at liberty to divulge, were telegraphed to the conventions of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. He said there was much discussion concerning the propriety of the members of Congress from seceding States retaining their seats, in order to embarrass legislate openly upon his treasonable work, in which he had been engaged for many years. On the same day when Davis left the Senate, the representatives of Alabama and Florida in that House formally withdrew. Yulee and Mallory, the Florida Senators, spoke in temperate language; but Clement C. Clay, Jr., of Alabama, one of the most mali
Calhoun, Ky. (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
the judgments of men with great ease. For years, as the champion of State Supremacy — the intimate friend and disciple of Calhoun — he had been laboring to sap the life of the National Government. He now boldly proposed radical changes in the Constitution and the Government, and advocated the right and duty of secession. He declared William H. Seward. that the South must obtain by such changes guaranties of power, so as not to be governed by the majorities of the North. He proposed Calhoun's favorite plan of a dual executive, modified, as he thought, to adapt it to the circumstances of the hour. He proposed that each section, as he called the Free-labor and Slave-labor States, should elect a President, to be called the First and Second President, the first to serve for four years, and the President next succeeding him to serve for four other years, and afterward be re-eligible. During the term of the President, the second should be President of the Senate, having a casting
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 9
Fort Sumter to the insurgents, and thereby cause the kindling of a civil war. So long as the United States keep possession of that fort, said Wool, the independence of South Carolina will only be in ever shall such property be subject to be divested or impaired by any legislative act of the United States, or any of the territories thereof. Congressional Globe, December 24, 1860. In other wordy that to us, and then the difficulty is settled. Because the majority of the people of the United States would not consent to abase their Constitution, and make it subservient to the cause of injusore he died, became eminent, by perpetuating the immortal joke of advising the people of the United States that it is of infinite moment that we should properly estimate the immense value of our Natiwho was a secret plotter in Canada, during the war, of high crimes against the people of the United States, signalized his withdrawal by a harangue marked by the intensest venom., He commenced his sp
d, and our fair land given over to desolation. You may have ships of war, and we may have none. You may blockade our ports and lock up our commerce. We can live, if need be, without commerce. But when you shut out our cotton from the looms of Europe, we shall see whether other nations will not have something to say and something to do on that subject. Cotton is King! and it will find means to raise your blockade and disperse your ships. Iverson prudently kept himself away from all personades, and asked: What will you be when, not only emasculated by the withdrawal of fifteen States, but warred upon by them with active and inveterate hostility? This significant question was answered four years afterward, when the naval powers of Europe had been so offended without committing acts of resentment, and the threatened civil war had raged inveterately, by the fact that the Republic was stronger, wealthier, and more thoroughly respected by foreign powers than ever. The crowning infam
Mississippi (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
Alfred Iverson, of Georgia; Judah P. Benjamin and John Slidell, of Louisiana; Jefferson Davis and Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi; John Hemphill and Lewis T. Wigfall, of Texas; and David L. Yulee and Stephen R. Mallory, of Florida.), who, at that tand others which the correspondent did not feel at liberty to divulge, were telegraphed to the conventions of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. He said there was much discussion concerning the propriety of the members of Congress from seceding Stathe 12th of January, the conspirators commenced withdrawing from Congress. On that day the Representatives of the State of Mississippi sent in a communication to the Speaker, saying they had been informed of the secession of their State, and that, wr that action, they approved the measure. Two days afterward, January 14. Albert G. Brown, one of the, Senators from Mississippi, withdrew from active participation in the business of the Senate. His colleague, Jefferson Davis, did not take his l
Lecompton (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
ts development, startles and amazes the world by its extent and power, is not the work of a day; it is the labor of a generation.... This wicked plot for the dismemberment of the Confederacy, which has now assumed such fearful proportions, was known to some of our elder statesmen. Thomas H. Benton ever raised his warning voice against the conspirators. I can never forget the terrible energy of his denunciations of the policy and acts of the nullifiers and secessionists. During the great Lecompton struggle, in the winter of 1858, his house was the place of resort of several members of Congress, who sought his counsels, and delighted to listen to his opinions. In the last conversation I had with him, but a few days before he was prostrated by mortal disease, he declared that the disunionists had prostituted the Democratic party --that they had complete control of the Administration; that these conspirators would have broken up the Union, if Colonel Fremont had been elected; that th
Colorado (Colorado, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
Legislature was purged of its more disloyal elements, and thenceforth, during the remaining month of the session, its legitimate business was attended to. There were turbulent and disloyal spirits left in that body, but they were less demonstrative, and were shorn of their power to do serious mischief. The Union men were now in the majority in the Lower House, and they controlled the Senate. Before the session closed, acts were passed for the organization of three new Territories, namely, Colorado, Nevada, and Dakotah. Not a word was said about Slavery in those Territories. The subject was left for decision to the people, when they should make a State Constitution. This silence was expressive of the honest determination of the party just rising into power, not to meddle with Slavery by means of the National Government, but leave it, as it always had been left, a subject for municipal law alone. In this behavior the South might have seen, if they had not been blinded by passion an
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