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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

Found 64 total hits in 45 results.

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Unitarian (search for this): chapter 10
y the very constitution of the body. And by no sect or class have anti-Slavery inculcations been more virulently reprobated than by the Baptists of the South. The Free-Will Baptists, several bodies of Scottish Covenanters, and other offsets from the original Presbyterian stock, with certain of the Methodist dissenters or seceders from the great Methodist Episcopal organization, have generally maintained an attitude of hostility to Slavery. So, of late years, have the greater number of Unitarian and Universalist conventions. But all these together are a decided minority of the American People, or even of the professing Christians among them; and they do not at all shake the general truth that the anti-Slavery cause, throughout the years of its arduous and perilous struggle up from contempt and odium to respect and power, received far more of hindrance than of help from our ecclesiastical organizations. And this fact explains, if it does not excuse, the un-Orthodox, irreverent, a
Cincinnati (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
nly from among the poor and despised classes, and had much more affiliation with slaves than with their masters. Their discipline could with great difficulty be reconciled with slaveholding by their laity, while it decidedly could not be made to permit slaveholding on the part of their Bishops; and this impelled the secession, some twenty years since, of the Methodist Church South, carrying off most, but not all, of the churches located in the Slave States. The General Conference held at Cincinnati in 1836 solemnly disclaimed any right, wish, or intention, to interfere with the civil and political relation between master and slave, as it exists in the slaveholding States of this Union, condemned two ministers who had delivered Abolition lectures, and declared the opponents of Abolition true friends to the Church, to the slaves of the South, and to the Constitution of our Country. The Baptists of Virginia, in General Assembly, 1789, upon a reference from the session of the precedin
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
step by directing that the owners of slaves, who refused to execute the proper instruments for giving them their freedom, be disowned likewise. This blow hit the nail on the head. In 1781, but one case requiring discipline under this head was reported; and in 1783, it duly appeared that there were no slaves owned by its members. Clarkson's History. The coincidence of these later dates with the origin, progress, and close of our Revolutionary struggle, is noteworthy. The New York and Rhode Island yearly meetings passed almost simultaneously through the same stages to like results; that of Virginia pursued a like course; but, meeting greater obstacles, was longer in overcoming them. It discouraged the purchasing of slaves in 1766; urgently recommended manumission in 1773; yet, so late as 1787, its annual reports stated that some members still held slaves. But it is understood that Slavery and Quakerism, throughout the South, had very little communion or sympathy after the Revolut
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
o in communion with our Church --said slave not being a consenting party to the sale — the seller be suspended till he shall repent and make reparation! It need hardly be added that, with few and spasmodic exceptions, the Presbyterian Church thenceforth was found apologizing for Slavery, and censuring its determined assailants far oftener than doing or devising anything to hasten that total abolition, which it had solemnly pronounced a requirement of Christianity. And, though the Synod of Kentucky, in 1835, adopted a report on Slavery, which condemned slave-holding broadly and thoroughly, and reprobated the domestic slave-trade as revolting, even horrible, in its cruelty, the same report admits that those who hold to our communion, are involved in it ; and no action was taken whereby they should be required to choose between their connection with the Church and persistence in buying, holding, and selling men, women, and children, as slaves. Nor did the division of this Church, whi
Barbados (Barbados) (search for this): chapter 10
of our country were profoundly hostile to Slavery, and that they were not content with mere protests against an evil which positive efforts, determined acts, were required to remove. Before the Revolution, in deed, a religious opposition to Slavery, whereof the society of Christian Friends or Quakers were the pioneers, had been developed both in the mother country and in her colonies. George Fox, the first Quaker, bore earnest testimony, so early as 1671, on the occasion of his visit to Barbadoes, against the prevalent cruelty and inhumanity with which negro slaves were then treated in that island, and urged their gradual emancipation. His letter implies that some of his disciples were slaveholders. Yet it was not till 1727 that the yearly meeting of the whole society in London declared the importing of negroes from their native country and relations, by Friends, not a commendable or allowable practice. Nearly thirty years before, the yearly meeting in Philadelphia (1696) took a
Savannah River (United States) (search for this): chapter 10
land; and pray Almighty God that our honorable Legislature may have it in their power to proclaim the great jubilee, consistent with the principles of good policy. But no similar declaration has been made by any Southern Baptist State Convention since field-hands rose to $1,000 each, and black infants, at birth, were accounted worth $100. On the contrary, the Southern Baptists have for thirty years been among the foremost champions of slaveholding as righteous and Christian, and the Savannah River Baptist Association in 1835 gravely decided that slave husbands and wives, separated by sale, should be at liberty to take new partners; because such separation, among persons situated as our slaves are, is civilly a separation by death, and they believe that, in the sight of God, it would be so viewed. To forbid second marriages, in such cases, would be to expose the parties not only to greater hardships and stronger temptations, but to church censure for acting in obedience to th
Quaker (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
and Slavery. We have seen that the Revolutionary era and the Revolutionary spirit of our country were profoundly hostile to Slavery, and that they were not content with mere protests against an evil which positive efforts, determined acts, were required to remove. Before the Revolution, in deed, a religious opposition to Slavery, whereof the society of Christian Friends or Quakers were the pioneers, had been developed both in the mother country and in her colonies. George Fox, the first Quaker, bore earnest testimony, so early as 1671, on the occasion of his visit to Barbadoes, against the prevalent cruelty and inhumanity with which negro slaves were then treated in that island, and urged their gradual emancipation. His letter implies that some of his disciples were slaveholders. Yet it was not till 1727 that the yearly meeting of the whole society in London declared the importing of negroes from their native country and relations, by Friends, not a commendable or allowable prac
Clarkson, Mo. (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
nd 1763. In 1774, the Philadelphia meeting directed that all persons engaged in any form of slave-trading be disowned; and in 1776 took the decisive and final step by directing that the owners of slaves, who refused to execute the proper instruments for giving them their freedom, be disowned likewise. This blow hit the nail on the head. In 1781, but one case requiring discipline under this head was reported; and in 1783, it duly appeared that there were no slaves owned by its members. Clarkson's History. The coincidence of these later dates with the origin, progress, and close of our Revolutionary struggle, is noteworthy. The New York and Rhode Island yearly meetings passed almost simultaneously through the same stages to like results; that of Virginia pursued a like course; but, meeting greater obstacles, was longer in overcoming them. It discouraged the purchasing of slaves in 1766; urgently recommended manumission in 1773; yet, so late as 1787, its annual reports stated that
London, Madison County, Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ds or Quakers were the pioneers, had been developed both in the mother country and in her colonies. George Fox, the first Quaker, bore earnest testimony, so early as 1671, on the occasion of his visit to Barbadoes, against the prevalent cruelty and inhumanity with which negro slaves were then treated in that island, and urged their gradual emancipation. His letter implies that some of his disciples were slaveholders. Yet it was not till 1727 that the yearly meeting of the whole society in London declared the importing of negroes from their native country and relations, by Friends, not a commendable or allowable practice. Nearly thirty years before, the yearly meeting in Philadelphia (1696) took a step in advance of this, admonishing their members to be careful not to encourage the bringing in of any more negroes, and that those who have negroes be careful of them, bring them to meeting, etc., etc. It thus appears that Quakers, like other Christians, were then not only slaveholders,
Benjamin Lundy (search for this): chapter 10
t does not excuse, the un-Orthodox, irreverent, and infidel tendencies which have been so freely, and not always unreasonably, ascribed to the apostles of Abolition. These have justly felt that the organized and recognized religion of the country has not treated their cause as it deserved and as they had a right to expect. The pioneers of modern Abolition were almost uniformly devout, pious, church-nurtured men, who, at the outset of their enterprise, took the cause of the slave Witness Lundy and Garrison at Boston, 1828. to the Clergy and the Church, with undoubting faith that it would there be recognized and by them adopted as the cause of vital Christianity. Speaking generally, they were repulsed and resisted, quite as much to their astonishment as their mortification; and the resulting estrangement and hostility were proportioned to the fullness of their trust, the bitterness of their disappointment. Alas! they had been friends in youth; But whispering tongues can poiso
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