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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. Search the whole document.

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William E. Channing (search for this): chapter 23
my word, Each of the lamps is as drunk as a lord! All is confusion — now isn't it odd, I am the only thing sober abroad? Sure it were rash with this crew to remain; Better go into the tavern again. Nearly forty years ago, the great and good Channing, after listening to Benjamin Lundy, wrote to Mr. Webster in apprehension that the South would regard and resent any attempt at the North to promote or hasten the removal of her giant curse as impelled by hostility or ill-will, though nothing was further from our intention. The following is a portion of Dr. Channing's letter: Boston, May 14, 1848. my dear Sir:--I wish to call your attention to a subject of general interest. A little while ago, Mr. Lundy, of Baltimore, the editor of a paper called The Genius of Universal Emancipation, visited this part of the country to stir us up to the work of abolishing Slavery at the South; and the intention is to organize societies for this purpose. I know of few objects into which
Willard P. Hall (search for this): chapter 23
erary Institute, on Thursday evening next, will be extremely unwise. If I possessed the lawful power, I would not permit his presence on that occasion. Very respectfully, etc. Alexander Henry, Mayor. James W. White, Esq., Chairman. The following letter from the owner of the Hall betrays a common impulse, if not a common origin, with the foregoing: Concert Hall, December 11, 1860. dear Sir:--I have been officially informed that, in the event of G. W. Curtis lecturing in this Hall on Thursday evening next, a riot is anticipated. Under these circumstances, I cannot permit the Hall to be used on that occasion. Respectfully, Thomas A. Andrews. J. W. White, Esq. So the Lincoln city of Philadelphia, like a good many other Northern cities, made her bid for slaveholding forbearance and patronage — no one observing, nor even hinting, that the North had rights and grievances, as well as the South--that sectional aspirations, aggressions, encroachments, were not confined
Von Muller (search for this): chapter 23
ld expect that half a century of such utter perversion of the plainest, least equivocal, most obvious terms, should not bear bitter fruit? The inebriate, who fancies the square in which he lives revolving about him, and gravely holds his latch-key in hand, waiting till his door shall in due order present itself, labors under substantially the same hallucination, and is usually certain to cherish it until he awakes to prosaic realities — to bruises, self-reproach, headache, and remorse. Von Muller, one of the present King of Prussia's grave and reverend councilors of state, in his younger and wittier days, celebrated this inversion of the perceptive faculties, in verses still popular in Germany, and which have been rendered into English, as follows: Out of the Tavern. Out of the tavern I've just stepped to-night: Street! you are caught in a very bad plight; Right hand and left are both out of place-- Street! you are drunk!--‘t is a very clear case! Moon! ‘t is a very queer<
Benjamin Lundy (search for this): chapter 23
s drunk as a lord! All is confusion — now isn't it odd, I am the only thing sober abroad? Sure it were rash with this crew to remain; Better go into the tavern again. Nearly forty years ago, the great and good Channing, after listening to Benjamin Lundy, wrote to Mr. Webster in apprehension that the South would regard and resent any attempt at the North to promote or hasten the removal of her giant curse as impelled by hostility or ill-will, though nothing was further from our intention. The following is a portion of Dr. Channing's letter: Boston, May 14, 1848. my dear Sir:--I wish to call your attention to a subject of general interest. A little while ago, Mr. Lundy, of Baltimore, the editor of a paper called The Genius of Universal Emancipation, visited this part of the country to stir us up to the work of abolishing Slavery at the South; and the intention is to organize societies for this purpose. I know of few objects into which I should enter with more zeal;
Isaac Hazlehurst (search for this): chapter 23
mong men as here with us. Never before, under its influence and protection, has any people been so speedily and happily borne to great prosperity; until now the imagination sinks in the effort to contemplate that glorious future on whose very threshold our feet have stood. Can it be that madness and fanaticism — can it be that selfishness and sectionalism — are about to destroy this noblest form of government, freighted as it is with the highest hopes of humanity? (Loud cheers.) Mr. Isaac Hazlehurst closed the discussion in a far manlier spirit. Himself a Conservative, the American candidate for Governor in 1857, he had no palinode to offer for Northern fanaticism, and no thought of crouching to Southern treason. On the contrary, he spoke, with singular and manly directness, as follows: Fellow-citizens, it is no time for party, because there are no party questions to be discussed. We are here for the purpose of endeavoring to preserve the Union of these States. The Americ
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 23
Union. Judge Woodward concluded his address to this non-partisan Union meeting after this fashion: Have I not a right to say that a Government which was all-sufficient for the country fifty years ago, when soil and climate and State sovereignty were trusted to regulate the spread of Slavery, is insufficient to-day, when every upstart politician can stir the people to mutiny against the domestic institutions of our Southern neighbors — when the ribald jests of seditious editors like Greeley and Beecher can sway legislatures and popular votes against the handiwork of Washington or Madison — when the scurrilous libels of such a book as Helper's become a favorite campaign document, and are accepted by thousands as law and gospel both — when jealousy and hate have extinguished all our fraternal feelings for those who were born our brethren, and who have done us no harm? Mr. Charles E. Lex (who had voted for Lincoln) made an apologetic and deprecatory speech, wherein he said: <
George W. Curtis (search for this): chapter 23
The Tribune's overture the Albany evening Journal's the Philadelphis meeting Mayor Henry Judge Woodward George W. Curtis suppressed. in one of Beaumarchais's comedies, a green reveler in every advantage and luxury that noble birth and say or do, aught calculated to displease said slaveholders or offend the Slave Power, was promptly demonstrated. Mr. George W. Curtis, one of our most attractive and popular public speakers, had been engaged by the People's Literary Institute of Phnotification: Office of the Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, Dec. 10, 1860. dear Sir :--The appearance of George W. Curtis, Esq., as a lecturer before the People's Literary Institute, on Thursday evening next, will be extremely unwise. If foregoing: Concert Hall, December 11, 1860. dear Sir:--I have been officially informed that, in the event of G. W. Curtis lecturing in this Hall on Thursday evening next, a riot is anticipated. Under these circumstances, I cannot permit th
English (search for this): chapter 23
ey in hand, waiting till his door shall in due order present itself, labors under substantially the same hallucination, and is usually certain to cherish it until he awakes to prosaic realities — to bruises, self-reproach, headache, and remorse. Von Muller, one of the present King of Prussia's grave and reverend councilors of state, in his younger and wittier days, celebrated this inversion of the perceptive faculties, in verses still popular in Germany, and which have been rendered into English, as follows: Out of the Tavern. Out of the tavern I've just stepped to-night: Street! you are caught in a very bad plight; Right hand and left are both out of place-- Street! you are drunk!--‘t is a very clear case! Moon! ‘t is a very queer figure you cut-- One eye is staring, whilst t‘ other is shut; Tipsy, I see; and you're greatly to blame: Old as you are, ‘t is a terrible shame. Then the street lamps-what a scandalous sight! None of them soberly standing upright; Rocking an
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 23
had been set forth, with remarkable clearness and force, in the preamble to the Declaration of Independence, and by many of our patriot sages in later days. John Quincy Adams — never remarkably inclined to popularize forms of government — had distinctly affirmed it in a speech in Congress; so had Abraham Lincoln, in one of his deby deemed the preferable seat; but the rule remains unaffected by that circumstance. We know how to sympathize with the defeated; for we remember how we felt, when Adams was defeated; and Clay, and Scott, and Fremont. It is decidedly pleasanter to be on the winning side, especially when — as now — it happens also to be the right se sees fit to meditate Disunion, let him do so unmolested. That was a base and hypocritic row that was once raised, at Southern dictation, about the ears of John Quincy Adams, because he presented a petition for the disolution of the Union. The petitioner had a right to make the request; it was the Member's duty to present it. A
John C. Fremont (search for this): chapter 23
President of the Senate, to declare Lincoln and Hamlin duly elected President and Vice-President of these United States. Some people do not like this, as is very natural. Dogberry discovered, a good while ago, that When two ride a horse, one must ride behind. That is not generally deemed the preferable seat; but the rule remains unaffected by that circumstance. We know how to sympathize with the defeated; for we remember how we felt, when Adams was defeated; and Clay, and Scott, and Fremont. It is decidedly pleasanter to be on the winning side, especially when — as now — it happens also to be the right side. We sympathize with the afflicted; but we cannot recommend them to do any thing desperate. What is the use? They are beaten now; they may triumph next time: in fact, they have generally had their own way: had they been subjected to the discipline of adversity so often as we have, they would probably bear it with more philosophy, and deport themselves more befittingly.
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