s the danger now, and is prepared to sanction any measure necessary and proper to arrest it and to make her in heart, as she is in interest and in duty, bound to observe in good faith all its engagements.
South Carolina, too. Who is willing to part with her?
Her great names, during the same classic period, won for her and for all, an undying fame.
Her Moultries, Pinckneys, Rutledges, Haynes, Marions, Lawrences, do not belong to her alone — they are as much ours as hers; as the fame of Washington is as much the property and pride of the world as of Virginia.
She, too, is astray now, as she was once before.
She now thinks herself out of the Union.
But there is a common tie, however, for a moment imperceptible and inoperative, that still makes us hers, and hers ours.
The tie of blood, of language, of religion, of love, of Constitutional freedom, of a common ancestry, who in battle and in council were ever a band of brothers — deliberating, fighting, dying, for our joint liberty a
States down near its mouth?
Pray, sir; pray, sir, let me say to the people of this country, that these things are worthy of their pondering and of their consideration.
Here, sir, are five millions of freemen in the Free States north of the river Ohio.
Can anybody suppose that this population can be severed by a line that divides them from the territory of a foreign and alien Government, down somewhere, the Lord knows where, upon the lower banks of the Mississippi?
What will become of Missouri?
Will she join the arrondissement of the Slave States?
Shall the man from the Yellow Stone and the Platte be connected in the new republic with the man who lives on the southern extremity of the Cape of Florida?
Sir, I am ashamed to pursue this line of remark.
I dislike it — I have an utter disgust for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and mildews, war, pestilence and famine, than to hear gentlemen talk of secession.
To break up!
to break up this great Government!