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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 2. (ed. Frank Moore). Search the whole document.

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New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 41
ir territorial acts of Congress. If a barren right, it was too confessedly a mere point of honor. And slavery was recognized by local law, with the acquiescence of that party, in all the territory south of the old Missouri compromise line. The Personal liberty acts of some Northern States--misrepresented, but really disloyal and irritating — were being reconsidered; some had already been modified or repealed. The democratic party was gaining strength; was successful in some of the New England States. But for southern defection it had been in control of two of the three great departments of the Government. The fugitive slave law had just been executed at Chicago with unwonted facility by an officer appointed by the new Administration. But one patent fact remains: The Confederate States had committed an overt act of aggressive war upon the nation! they threatened its Capital, and the President had called for militia for public defence. Years ago public men at the South
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 41
ed for Union. At fourteen years of age I was severed from Virginia; the National Government adopted me as its pupil and future defender; it gave me education and a profession, and I then made a solemn oath to bear true allegiance to the United States of America, and to serve them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies or opposers whatsoever. This oath and honor alike forbid me to abandon their standard at the first hour of danger. In the national service I have been for thirty-foen in control of two of the three great departments of the Government. The fugitive slave law had just been executed at Chicago with unwonted facility by an officer appointed by the new Administration. But one patent fact remains: The Confederate States had committed an overt act of aggressive war upon the nation! they threatened its Capital, and the President had called for militia for public defence. Years ago public men at the South began to despair of their habitual control in the f
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 41
onal institutions. But the politicians of the Cotton States had long familiarized themselves with ultra ambitious schemes; they were committed, especially in South Carolina, beyond any dignity of retraction to vain State rights theories and threats of State action; they embraced wild, dazzling, but unscrupulous and impracticable ge of their own wrong, and pronounced a political crime the success of a sectional party, to which they had deliberately contributed. Then the oligarchy of South Carolina, (a State not very homogeneous, politically or socially, with any other part of the nation,) with contemptuous disregard of the dignity and of the counsels of their neighbors, coolly set, themselves to convert a great excitement into temporary madness. They applied the torch to the temple of free Government. South Carolina assumed the bad eminence of leader in revolution and ruin. Thus aided, the arts of demagogues and the violent energies of rebellious spirits elsewhere dragged or
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 41
in all the territory south of the old Missouri compromise line. The Personal liberty acts of some Northern States--misrepresented, but really disloyal and irritating — were being reconsidered; some had already been modified or repealed. The democratic party was gaining strength; was successful in some of the New England States. But for southern defection it had been in control of two of the three great departments of the Government. The fugitive slave law had just been executed at Chicago with unwonted facility by an officer appointed by the new Administration. But one patent fact remains: The Confederate States had committed an overt act of aggressive war upon the nation! they threatened its Capital, and the President had called for militia for public defence. Years ago public men at the South began to despair of their habitual control in the future of the power of the National Government; they were irritated at this prospect, and unreasonably, for it was to be the le
Fairfield (Utah, United States) (search for this): chapter 41
in this day of civil trial. Such an utterance from such a source needs no word of introduction or commendation at our hands, as the reader will sufficiently learn from its perusal that the writer holds a pen as brilliant and as loyal as the sword he wields in the service of his country. Would that the trumpet-notes of his fervid appeal might yet reach the ears and move the hearts of his fellow-citizens in the great Commonwealth of which he is a native!--National Intelligencer. Fort Crittenden, Utah, June 6, 1861. I have seen the call of the Virginia Convention on all natives of the State in the army and navy, and have been the subject of other more pointed appeals. The respect which I owe to the opinions of the citizens of my native State demands of me an answer — an exposition of my circumstances and views of duty. I belong to a district of the State which, I just learn, has voted for Union. At fourteen years of age I was severed from Virginia; the National Governmen
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 41
mies or opposers whatsoever. This oath and honor alike forbid me to abandon their standard at the first hour of danger. In the national service I have been for thirty-four years a Western man, and if my citizenship be localized, a citizen of Missouri. My military profession has not prevented attentive observation of political affairs, and I have had of late the vantage ground of a calm position. Thus I have formed strong political opinions, which must have had their weight in deciding myn party in their votes for their territorial acts of Congress. If a barren right, it was too confessedly a mere point of honor. And slavery was recognized by local law, with the acquiescence of that party, in all the territory south of the old Missouri compromise line. The Personal liberty acts of some Northern States--misrepresented, but really disloyal and irritating — were being reconsidered; some had already been modified or repealed. The democratic party was gaining strength; was su
Doc. 40.-a soldier's response. The subjoined communication reached us from the gallant officer whose signature it bears, and who, from a remote post of public duty, utters a voice of no uncertain sound in this day of civil trial. Such an utterance from such a source needs no word of introduction or commendation at our hands, as the reader will sufficiently learn from its perusal that the writer holds a pen as brilliant and as loyal as the sword he wields in the service of his country. Would that the trumpet-notes of his fervid appeal might yet reach the ears and move the hearts of his fellow-citizens in the great Commonwealth of which he is a native!--National Intelligencer. Fort Crittenden, Utah, June 6, 1861. I have seen the call of the Virginia Convention on all natives of the State in the army and navy, and have been the subject of other more pointed appeals. The respect which I owe to the opinions of the citizens of my native State demands of me an answer — a
P. St. George Cooke (search for this): chapter 41
der a musket in defence of the mother of deaa statesmen, right or wrong; but, alas! I might have been first called upon to encounter the associates of childhood in the honest mountains and valleys of her west. What dire complications of crime. To cut this gordian knot of horrors my sword had instinctively turned against the usurping majesty of cotton. I owe Virginia little, my country much. She has intrusted me with a distant command, and I shall remain under her flag as long as it waves the sign of the National Constitutional Government. In these far distant mountains I could only offer patriotic prayers for the result of the vote on the 23d of May. I trust that reason may have then recovered her sway — that the voice of a majority may not have been restrained by bayonets; that sounding above the clamor of anarchy, and still respected, it may have pronounced the loyalty and just attitude of the State. P. St. George Cooke, Colonel Second Regiment United States Dragoons.
lder a musket in defence of the mother of deaa statesmen, right or wrong; but, alas! I might have been first called upon to encounter the associates of childhood in the honest mountains and valleys of her west. What dire complications of crime. To cut this gordian knot of horrors my sword had instinctively turned against the usurping majesty of cotton. I owe Virginia little, my country much. She has intrusted me with a distant command, and I shall remain under her flag as long as it waves the sign of the National Constitutional Government. In these far distant mountains I could only offer patriotic prayers for the result of the vote on the 23d of May. I trust that reason may have then recovered her sway — that the voice of a majority may not have been restrained by bayonets; that sounding above the clamor of anarchy, and still respected, it may have pronounced the loyalty and just attitude of the State. P. St. George Cooke, Colonel Second Regiment United States Dragoons.
June 6th, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 41
il trial. Such an utterance from such a source needs no word of introduction or commendation at our hands, as the reader will sufficiently learn from its perusal that the writer holds a pen as brilliant and as loyal as the sword he wields in the service of his country. Would that the trumpet-notes of his fervid appeal might yet reach the ears and move the hearts of his fellow-citizens in the great Commonwealth of which he is a native!--National Intelligencer. Fort Crittenden, Utah, June 6, 1861. I have seen the call of the Virginia Convention on all natives of the State in the army and navy, and have been the subject of other more pointed appeals. The respect which I owe to the opinions of the citizens of my native State demands of me an answer — an exposition of my circumstances and views of duty. I belong to a district of the State which, I just learn, has voted for Union. At fourteen years of age I was severed from Virginia; the National Government adopted me as its