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September 1st (search for this): chapter 32
e information Hammerstein brought proved that Pope's despatch was false throughout. On the 1st of Sept. I met Gen. Halleck at his office in Washington, who by verbal order directed me to take chargch as I now hold must be. At what hour in the morning can I see you alone? On the morning of Sept. 1 McClellan went up from Alexandria to Washington, and now Halleck verbally placed him in charge the War is thus demonstrated. He, and he alone, was in command and responsible from Aug. 26 to Sept. 1. Gen. Halleck's verbal orders to Gen. McClellan on Sept. 1 gave the latter no control over tSept. 1 gave the latter no control over the active army. Halleck was now encouraged about Pope, and discredited McClellan's bad news from the front. Pope had telegraphed that he had fought a terrific battle, which lasted from daylight tk to send Col. Kelton to the front for information. The return of that officer in the night of Sept. 1--2 revealed the truth, which brought terror to Washington. Without dwelling on the condition
September 2nd (search for this): chapter 32
m of the army the capital safe the order of Sept. 2 Halleck's testimony Stormy cabinet meeting.ln's despatches to McClellan, and his acts on Sept. 2, that he saw and knew what Halleck did not do arrived at Alexandria, and that the order of Sept. 2 was only the reduction to writing of that com's army commenced falling back, and was dated Sept. 2, but Gen. McClellan had been in command ever gton by the enemy. Early in the morning of Sept. 2 the President, accompanied by Gen. Halleck, w, to the end which was sought. The events of Sept. 2, which must be pursued, amply attest his posit the stated cabinet meeting on Tuesday, the 2d of Sept, while the whole community was stirred up anduring the early part of the day the order of Sept. 2 was prepared by Gen. Halleck and telegraphed tion of Gen. Pope's command on the morning of Sept. 2. It is therefore clear that the first draft South Mountain and Antietam. The order of Sept. 2 remained in force thereafter. It perhaps exp
city last night on important business requiring despatch, was stopped at this end of the bridge and had to go back to Fort Albany. On both occasions the officers of the guards, though aware of our positions, said they had no discretion. On the 30th, Assist. Adj.-Gen. Williams telegraphs Gen. Wadsworth: In the absence of orders defining the limits of his command Gen. McClellan issues a countersign to-day to the troops of the Army of the Potomac in this vicinity. It is Malvern. If yours is gh, military governor of Alexandria, where Gen. McClellan's own headquarters then were. Obviously McClellan was not at this time in command of all the troops in and about Washington, Gen. Halleck's testimony that he was notwithstanding. On the 30th Gen. McClellan telegraphed Gen. Barnard, who was in command of the military defences of Washington: I have no more troops to give you, and, as I have no command nor any position, I shall not regard it as my duty to take any further steps in regard
it is evident that he had no intention of giving McClellan any command, it being his and Mr. Stanton's plan to order all of the Army of the Potomac, piece by piece, away from McClellan's command, and discharge him. On the 27th Halleck telegraphed McClellan: Take entire direction of the sending out troops from Alexandria. On the same day McClellan telegraphed Halleck: Please inform me at once what my position is. I do not wish to act in the dark. To this Halleck made no reply. On the 29th McClellan telegraphed both the President and Gen. Halleck: Tell me what you wish me to do, and I will do all in my power to accomplish it. I wish to know what my orders and authority are. I ask for nothing, but will obey whatever orders you give. I only ask a prompt decision. To this he received no reply, except that the President, replying to another part of the same despatch, said: I wish not to control. That I leave to Gen. Halleck, aided by your counsels. The unexplained and embarra
September 8th (search for this): chapter 32
badly used up. We have made great captures, but I am not able yet to form an idea of their extent. The urgency of McClellan, who discredited Pope's statements, alone induced Halleck to send Col. Kelton to the front for information. The return of that officer in the night of Sept. 1--2 revealed the truth, which brought terror to Washington. Without dwelling on the condition of alarm into which the War Department was now plunged, it is important to note that it continued certainly till Sept. 8, when Mr. Hiram Barney, Collector of the Port of New York, told Mr. Chase that Stanton and Wadsworth had advised him to leave for New York this evening, as communication with Baltimore might be cut off before to-morrow (Warden, p. 415). Secretary Welles says Stanton and Halleck were filled with apprehensions beyond others. They gave up the capital as lost, and issued orders to empty the arsenal preparatory to the occupation of Washington by the enemy. Early in the morning of Sept. 2 the
r to me, and orally through Gen. Burnside at the Chickahominy, I cannot decide where I can be of most use. If your determination is unchanged I ought to go to Alexandria at once. Please define my position and duties. Halleck made no reply to this; and from what followed it is evident that he had no intention of giving McClellan any command, it being his and Mr. Stanton's plan to order all of the Army of the Potomac, piece by piece, away from McClellan's command, and discharge him. On the 27th Halleck telegraphed McClellan: Take entire direction of the sending out troops from Alexandria. On the same day McClellan telegraphed Halleck: Please inform me at once what my position is. I do not wish to act in the dark. To this Halleck made no reply. On the 29th McClellan telegraphed both the President and Gen. Halleck: Tell me what you wish me to do, and I will do all in my power to accomplish it. I wish to know what my orders and authority are. I ask for nothing, but will obey wha
April 22nd, 1870 AD (search for this): chapter 32
to that effect had issued from the War Department. The President, calmly but with some emphasis, said the order was his, and he would be responsible for it to the country. . . . Before separating the Secretary of the Treasury expressed his apprehension that the reinstatement of McClellan would prove a national calamity. Mr. Montgomery Blair, Postmaster-General, in private letters, from which, now in the hands of the editor, the following extracts are taken, says: Under date April 22. 1870: The bitterness of Stanton on the reinstatement of McClellan you can scarcely conceive. He preferred to see the capital fall. . . . McClellan was bound to go when the emergency was past, and Halleck and Stanton furnished a pretence. Under date April 3, 1879: The folly and disregard of public interests thus exhibited would be incredible but that the authors of this intrigue, Messrs. Stanton and Chase, when the result of it came, and I proposed the restoration of McClellan to com
Washington to the rebels. This and more I said. . . . The President said it distressed him exceedingly to find himself differing on such a point from the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Treasury; that he would gladly resign his place; but that he could not see who could do the work wanted as well as McClellan. I named Hooker, or Sumner, or Burnside, either of whom would do the work better. Mr. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, in his book, Lincoln and Seward, New York, 1874, page 194, says: At the stated cabinet meeting on Tuesday, the 2d of Sept, while the whole community was stirred up and in confusion, and affairs were growing beyond anything that had previously occurred, Stanton entered the council-room a few moments in advance of Mr. Lincoln, and said, with great excitement, he had just learned from Gen. Halleck that the President had placed McClellan in command of the forces in Washington. The information was surprising, and, in view of the prevailing
September 19th (search for this): chapter 32
reposed in him were unlimited. The simple words resume command were ample. Two honest minds were in contact, and each trusted the other. Mr. Lincoln then intended to give to McClellan discretionary powers over military matters, and neither of them stopped to choose words. Gen. McClellan went swiftly to work. Gen. Halleck went to inform Secretary Stanton of the overthrow of their plans by the recall of McClellan to command. It may here be noted that Mr. Chase was in error when, on Sept. 19, he said (Warden, p. 480) that Halleck's telegram of Aug. 31, asking McClellan to help him, announced Halleck's surrender to McClellan. While Mr. Chase was right enough in thus confessing the existence of a war against McClellan, he might well have spared his criticisms, since it will appear in the progress of McClellan's narrative that Halleck maintained the war with much vigorous disregard of truth, to the end which was sought. The events of Sept. 2, which must be pursued, amply attest
August 29th (search for this): chapter 32
what my orders and authority are. I ask for nothing, but will obey whatever orders you give. I only ask a prompt decision. To this he received no reply, except that the President, replying to another part of the same despatch, said: I wish not to control. That I leave to Gen. Halleck, aided by your counsels. The unexplained and embarrassing position in which Halleck kept McClellan at this time is illustrated by many despatches which are omitted from the present volume. Thus, on the 29th of Aug. Gen. S. Williams, A. A. G. at McClellan's camp near Alexandria, telegraphed Brig.-Gen. James S. Wadsworth, military governor of Washington: It is important that these headquarters should receive the countersign issued to the guards at the Long bridge. I was stopped late night before last, returning to camp, and compelled to go to your office for the countersign. Lieut.-Col. Colburn, going to the city last night on important business requiring despatch, was stopped at this end of the bri
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