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America (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
, being one before and the other after the date of the sensational reports referred to, are sufficient to stamp them as utterly untrue. The inaugural was deliberately prepared, and uttered as written, and in connection with the farewell speech to the Senate, presents a clear and authentic statement of the principles and purposes which actuated me on assuming the duties of the high office to which I had been called. inaugural address Gentlemen of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, Friends, and Fellow-Citizens: Called to the difficult and responsible station of Chief Magistrate of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned to me with humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
fact, no other name was so prominently or so generally mentioned. The name of Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, was probably more frequently mentioned than that of any other person, next to Mr. Davis. fully, very truly yours, etc. (Signed) Duncan F. Kenner. From the Hon. James Chesnut of South Carolina: . . . . Before leaving home I had made up my mind as to who was the fittest man to . . . (Signed) James Chesnut. From the Hon. W. Porcher Miles of Virginia, formerly of South Carolina, and a member of the provisional congress of 1861: Oak Ridge, January 17, 1880. . . . . To the best of my recollection there was entire unanimity in the South Carolina delegation at Montgomery on the subject of the choice of a President. I think it very likely that Keitt, from his wae was no question that Mr. Davis was the choice of our delegation and of the whole people of South Carolina. . . . I do not think Mr. Rhett ever attempted to influence the course of his colleagues, ei
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
eting of the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States adoption of a Provisional Constitution rom the Union, for which the style Confederate States of America was adopted. The powers conferred of my election to the presidency of the Confederate States, with an urgent request to proceed immedht solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the United States, and which has been solemnly affirmed and rage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of de our own welfare, the separation by the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon otas a candidate for the Presidency of the Confederate States; that my election was the result of a min of Jefferson Davis as President of the Confederate States, I never heard of the fact. I had the isecession. After the formation of the Confederate States, he was far in advance of the Constitutiistrator of the military department of the United States when he was Secretary of War, and came out[3 more...]
Montgomery (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
election his views with regard to it Journey to Montgomery interview with Judge Sharkey false reports of selegates from the seceding states convened at Montgomery, Alabama, according to appointment, on February 4, 186 army of Mississippi again. While on my way to Montgomery, and waiting in Jackson, Mississippi, for the rai many offices of honor and trust. On my way to Montgomery, brief addresses were made at various places, at connection therewith, to my inaugural address at Montgomery, Alexander H. Stephens on assuming the officebe waged to coerce the seceding States. While at Montgomery, he expressed the belief that heavy fighting mustvis or his friends. Mr. Davis was not in or near Montgomery at the time. He was never heard from on this subded him, and did not change my mind on the way to Montgomery. . . . Georgia was a great State—great in numire unanimity in the South Carolina delegation at Montgomery on the subject of the choice of a President. I t
Edgefield (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
te. The answer was that it was not my opinion that war should be occasioned by the exercise of that right, but that it would be. Judge Sharkey and I had not belonged to the same political party, he being a Whig, but we fully agreed with regard to the question of the sovereignty of the states. He had been an advocate of nullification—a doctrine to which I had never assented, and which had at one time been the main issue in Mississippi politics. He had presided over the well-remembered Nashville convention in 1849, and had possessed much influence in the state, not only as an eminent jurist, but as a citizen who had grown up with it, and held many offices of honor and trust. On my way to Montgomery, brief addresses were made at various places, at which there were temporary stoppages of the train, in response to calls from the crowds assembled at such points. Some of these addresses were grossly misrepresented in sensational reports made by irresponsible persons, which were pub
Brierfield (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
rticular notice of the permanent Constitution will be more appropriate hereafter. On the next day (February 9) an election was held for the chief executive offices, resulting, as I afterward learned, in my election to the Presidency, with the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia as Vice-President. Stephens was a delegate from Georgia to the congress. While these events were occurring, having completed the most urgent of my duties at the capital of Mississippi, I had gone to my home Brierfield, in Warren County, and had begun, in the homely but expressive language of Clay, to repair my fences. While thus engaged, notice was received of my election to the presidency of the Confederate States, with an urgent request to proceed immediately to Montgomery for inauguration. As this had been suggested as a probable event, and what appeared to me adequate precautions had been taken to prevent it, I was surprised, and still more, disappointed. For reasons which it is not now necessa
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
a single vote in the Mississippi delegation against Mr. Davis, who was then, as he is now, the most eminent and popular of all the citizens of Mississippi. . . . Very respectfully, (Signed) J. A. P. Campbell. From the Hon. Duncan F. Kenner of Louisiana: . . . . My recollections of what transpired at the time are very vivid and positive. . . . Who should be President, was the absorbing question of the day. It engaged the attention of all present, and elicited many letters from our rnd spokesman. Of what occurred in these various meetings I can not speak authoritatively as to other States, as their proceedings were considered secret. I can speak positively, however, of what took place at a meeting of the delegates from Louisiana. We, the Louisiana delegates, without hesitation, and unanimously, after a very short session, decided in favor of Mr. Davis. No other name was mentioned; the claims of no one else were considered, or even alluded to. There was not the slight
Oak Ridge (Mississippi, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
ifted Georgians were called to these respective positions because of their experience, ability, and ardent patriotism. . . . Mr. Rhett was a very bold and frank man. So was Colonel Keitt; and they, as always, avowed their opinions and acted upon them with energy. Nevertheless, the vote of the delegation was cast for Mr. Davis. . . . (Signed) James Chesnut. From the Hon. W. Porcher Miles of Virginia, formerly of South Carolina, and a member of the provisional congress of 1861: Oak Ridge, January 17, 1880. . . . . To the best of my recollection there was entire unanimity in the South Carolina delegation at Montgomery on the subject of the choice of a President. I think it very likely that Keitt, from his warm personal friendship for Mr. Toombs, may at first have preferred him. I have no recollections of Chesnut's predilections. I think there was no question that Mr. Davis was the choice of our delegation and of the whole people of South Carolina. . . . I do not think
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
ive offices, resulting, as I afterward learned, in my election to the Presidency, with the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia as Vice-President. Stephens was a delegate from Georgia to the congress. While these events were occurring, having cGeorgia to the congress. While these events were occurring, having completed the most urgent of my duties at the capital of Mississippi, I had gone to my home Brierfield, in Warren County, and had begun, in the homely but expressive language of Clay, to repair my fences. While thus engaged, notice was received of mttest man for the position. I certainly so regarded him, and did not change my mind on the way to Montgomery. . . . Georgia was a great State—great in numbers, comparatively great in wealth, and great in the intellectual gifts and experiences oombs, and Cobb. In view of these facts, it was thought by all of us expedient—nay, more, positively right and just—that Georgia should have a corresponding weight in the counsels and conduct of the new Government. Mr. Stephens was also a man of <
Providence, R. I. (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 3.29
which I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning of our career, as a Confederacy, may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence we have asserted, and which with the blessing of Providence, we intend to maintain. Our present political position has been achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations. It illustrates the American idea that governments rest on the consent of the governed, and that it is the right ofal career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this be denied to us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us with firm resolve to appeal to arms and invoke the blessings of Providence on a just cause. As a consequence of our new condition and relations, and with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide for the speedy and efficient organization of branches of the Executive department having special
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