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South Western Baptist (search for this): chapter 133
the mobocracy may as well be quiet. Baltimore is now at the mercy of our guns, and Maryland is one of the most vulnerable States in the Union. The Mississippi Baptist, after describing the war policy of President Lincoln with reference to the Confederate States, adds: If he carries out this policy fully, we see no alternaationality. Now confiding in the justice of her cause, and looking to the Ruler of the Universe, she can calmly and hopefully await the result. The Tennessee Baptist is strongly in favor of secession. Rev. J. R. Graves, its principal editor, just returned from a journey through the South, says:--I learned something more aboutnlightenment, religion, urbanity, and high-toned principles of its people, will claim and receive the respect, admiration, and esteem of the world. The South Western Baptist, of Alabama, says: Well, the war is upon us! We have exhausted every effort for peace which duty and honor demand. Our peace offerings are spurned,
Jesus Christ (search for this): chapter 133
thousands stand ready to fly to the standard of our Southern Confederacy to maintain its integrity or perish in the attempt. Let us play the man for our people, and for the cities of our God, and the Lord do what seemeth him good. Let prayer be made without ceasing unto God, and the result is not doubtful. The Methodist Protestant, of Baltimore, says: We make no pretensions to statesmanship, we are no cabinet officer, we know little of state-diplomacy, but we think we know enough of Christ and his religion to be certain that war, and especially civil war, is a most cruel and wicked thing. It is anti-Christian, and a nation like ours ought not engage in it. Moral force at an era of civilization like that in which we live, ought to be able to settle State difficulties. The points of national honor upon which men dwell so eloquently, are as likely to be overrated as the points of personal honor in the ordinary duel. And what is this war likely to be? A gigantic duel between t
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 133
te States, adds: If he carries out this policy fully, we see no alternative but a general war, a war both by sea and land; a war which will carry desolation, carnage, and blooodshed wherever the contending forces meet in battle array.--President Davis has a policy as well as President Lincoln, a policy which he will as assuredly carry out,--a policy which he indicated in his speeches before his inauguration, and in his inaugural address; a policy, in which he will be supported by the Congs Government, the editor adds: The tendency of these movements will be to bring Virginia and Maryland into the Southern Confederacy, and also Kentucky and Tennessee, and perhaps Arkansas; and if Lincoln persists in his coercive policy, President Davis will have no other alternative but to conquer a peace by attacking Washington city, and, on the tented field proving the superiority of Southern to Northern prowess. Thus will we force the ill-advisers of Mr. Lincoln to acknowledge and re
Doc. 128.--the religious press on the war.-[Prom the Baltimore true Union.] A heavy pall of sickening sadness shrouds our hearts as we rise from a glance over our religious exchanges. If there was anywhere to be expected a spirit of peace and conciliation in this awful hour, it certainly ought to have been looked for in the conductors of the Christian press. But alas! with few exceptions on both sides, they breathe out threatenings and slaughter, and goad on the people to a furious, suicidal war. The Christian Secretary, of Connecticut, says: If we have a civil war and fight for five, ten, or twenty years, and drench our soil in fraternal blood, until, exhausted and worn out, both sides cry for peace, the same questions will come up for settlement that we first split on, and they will be just as difficult to arrange then as now. It has appeared to us that it would be better to settle these difficulties before fighting than afterwards, for we could see nothing that co
J. R. Graves (search for this): chapter 133
r upon a career as glorious as can be found in the annals of the world. The South has been slow to assume her present position. It was only after she had patiently submitted for long years to aggression and insult, repeated and aggravated, that she consented to break up the old nationality. Now confiding in the justice of her cause, and looking to the Ruler of the Universe, she can calmly and hopefully await the result. The Tennessee Baptist is strongly in favor of secession. Rev. J. R. Graves, its principal editor, just returned from a journey through the South, says:--I learned something more about the politics of the masses of Mississippi and Louisiana. I had read in certain newspapers that the people in Louisiana are sound Union men at heart, and that secession is the work of politicians. So far as I travelled in Mississippi and Louisiana I found the people thoroughly secessionists — those who voted the cooperative ticket are now firmly fixed in sentiment. You may w
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 133
The Mississippi Baptist, after describing the war policy of President Lincoln with reference to the Confederate States, adds: If he ceet in battle array.--President Davis has a policy as well as President Lincoln, a policy which he will as assuredly carry out,--a policy whipurpose existing on both sides, and says: What then? Will Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet pursue to the bitter, bloody end their fiendish hristian Index, of Georgia, throws the whole blame of the war upon Lincoln and his advisers ; says that upon the part of the South it is a waacy, and also Kentucky and Tennessee, and perhaps Arkansas; and if Lincoln persists in his coercive policy, President Davis will have no othen to Northern prowess. Thus will we force the ill-advisers of Mr. Lincoln to acknowledge and recognize our secession; we will compel an eqommanded by Southern officers, may suggest to these hirelings of Mr. Lincoln what Southern men can and will do when their wives and children
Robert B. Montgomery (search for this): chapter 133
outrage, or the recital of successive battles, of victories and defeats, leaving the quarrel at the end, just where it was at the beginning — a thing to be settled by peaceful diplomacy. The Examiner, of New York, says: War is an evil from which peace-loving patriots have prayed God to save their beloved country. But there are worse evils than war, and one of them would be a subversion of the ancestral freedom of a great people, by the slavery-propagandist Confederacy which has made Montgomery the seat of its malign power. War, to prevent such a catastrophe, rises to the dignity of virtue acceptable to God. Again, after denouncing the capture of Fort Sumter as an uncalled — for attack, an aggressive war on the Government and people of the United States, it continues: In maintaining itself against this aggressive war, and in punishing its authors, the National Government will receive the hearty and united support of all loyal and right-minded men. We abhor war in all its f
Edgefield (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 133
orce them back. They will die to a man first, save, perhaps, here and there one who has neither cotton nor negroes to fight for, and who would be glad to see no one better off than himself. Party lines are now annihilated. There is no longer any Whig or Democrat, Southern man and Yankee, but Southern Confederacy men. Tennesseeans are now called upon to decide whether they will fight the South or the North. We rejoice to see the change the political mind of Tennessee is undergoing--Nashville is overwhelmingly for secession to-day. All the men I left Union men, I find now thinking with me, save one--i. e., all I have yet conversed with. I learn that a similar change of opinion is universal, except in the mountainous districts of Tennessee. I regard that the fate of Tennessee is determined by the next vote that is cast for Governor. Whoever the man may be, let him be for a United South. Union men of Tennessee, with few exceptions, are among the very foremost in the call fo
Alabama (Alabama, United States) (search for this): chapter 133
be regarded as the valiant American Government that, by martial supremacy, asserted its right to a place among the first nations of the earth, and which, by its liberal policy towards other nations, and its possession of King Cotton, will but bind to itself in friendship all other countries, :and which, by the enlightenment, religion, urbanity, and high-toned principles of its people, will claim and receive the respect, admiration, and esteem of the world. The South Western Baptist, of Alabama, says: Well, the war is upon us! We have exhausted every effort for peace which duty and honor demand. Our peace offerings are spurned, our commissioners sent home from Washington with the insulting declaration that they cannot be received, and now the roar of artillery on our Southern borders announces the purblind policy of an abolitionized government, bent on the ruin of the country as well as its own! Let it come! In the name of our God, we will set up our banners; and by the
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 133
rom the Baltimore true Union.] A heavy pall of sickening sadness shrouds our hearts as we rise from a glance over our religious exchanges. If there was anywhere to be expected a spirit of peace and conciliation in this awful hour, it certainly ought to have been looked for in the conductors of the Christian press. But alas! with few exceptions on both sides, they breathe out threatenings and slaughter, and goad on the people to a furious, suicidal war. The Christian Secretary, of Connecticut, says: If we have a civil war and fight for five, ten, or twenty years, and drench our soil in fraternal blood, until, exhausted and worn out, both sides cry for peace, the same questions will come up for settlement that we first split on, and they will be just as difficult to arrange then as now. It has appeared to us that it would be better to settle these difficulties before fighting than afterwards, for we could see nothing that could be gained by the fight, but much that would
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