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Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
rs who were present, smarting under the scourge of slavery, would doubtless have been ready to repel it. In commenting on this speech, the correspondent of The Chicago press and Tribune wrote, The speech of Charles Sumner yesterday was probably the most masterly argument against human bondage that has ever been made in this or alow from New York, to be found within the same compass in any language, so far as known. I take pleasure in saying, said Horace White, in a letter written from Chicago, that in my opinion your recent effort ranks with Demosthenes on the Crown, and with Burke on Warren Hastings. Your speech, wrote A. A. Sargent (now senator fromire admiration; and that it expresses with fidelity the sentiments of Massachusetts upon the question therein discussed. The Republican party in convention at Chicago in May, 1860, nominated Abraham Lincoln — who had manifested his ability and his devotion to the cause of freedom especially in his controversy with Stephen A. Do
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
first year, the legislature of Georgia, by solemn act, a copy of which I have now before me, approved by Wilson Lumpkin, Governor, appropriated five thousand dollars to be paid to any person who shall arrest, bring to trial, and prosecute to conviction under the laws of this State, the editor or publisher of a certain paper called The Liberator, published at the town of Boston and State of Massachusetts. This infamous legislative act, touching a person absolutely beyond the jurisdiction of Georgia, and in no way amenable to its laws, constituted a plain bribe to the gangs of kidnappers engendered by slavery. With this barefaced defiance of justice and decency, slave-masters inaugurated the system of violence by which they have sought to crush every voice that has been raised against slavery. Under the second claim of the slaveocracy he said:-- This assumption may be described as an attempt to Africanize the constitution by introducing into it the barbarous law of slavery, der
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
ned to fill a conspicuous place in the history of freedom,--William Lloyd Garrison. Born in Massachusetts, bred to the same profession with Benjamin Franklin, and like his great predecessor becomingr publisher of a certain paper called The Liberator, published at the town of Boston and State of Massachusetts. This infamous legislative act, touching a person absolutely beyond the jurisdiction ofperience. . . . It has been left for this day, for this country, for the abolitionists of Massachusetts, to deify the incarnation of malice, mendacity, and cowardice. Sir, we do not intend to be g power, command our entire admiration; and that it expresses with fidelity the sentiments of Massachusetts upon the question therein discussed. The Republican party in convention at Chicago in Maraight, and not bend before absurd threats, whether uttered at the South or repeated here in Massachusetts. Let people cry Disunion! We know what the cry means; and we answer back, The Union shall
Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
that it expresses with fidelity the sentiments of Massachusetts upon the question therein discussed. The Republican party in convention at Chicago in May, 1860, nominated Abraham Lincoln — who had manifested his ability and his devotion to the cause of freedom especially in his controversy with Stephen A. Douglas in Illinois, and who had said, He who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave --as its candidate for the Presidential chair. John C. Breckenridge (nominated at Charleston, S. C.) was the Southern, Stephen A. Douglas the Northern Democratic, and John Bell (of Kentucky) the Union candidate. The grand question before the country was: Shall free or servile labor have the ascendency? Shall the vast territories of the Union come under the baleful domination of slavery, or be irradiated by the genial beams of freedom? The aim of the progressive party was the dethronement of the slave-power in the national government, and the repression of that power to within the
Baltimore, Md. (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
zen, said he, of purest life and perfect integrity, whose name is destined to fill a conspicuous place in the history of freedom,--William Lloyd Garrison. Born in Massachusetts, bred to the same profession with Benjamin Franklin, and like his great predecessor becoming an editor, he saw with instinctive clearness the wrong of slavery; and, at a period when the ardors of the Missouri Question had given way to indifference throughout the North, he stepped forward to denounce it. The jail at Baltimore, where he then resided, was his earliest reward. Afterwards, January 1, 1831, he published the first number of The Liberator, inscribing for his motto an utterance of Christian philanthropy, My country is the world: my countrymen are all mankind, and declaring, in the face of surrounding apathy, I am in earnest. I will not equivocate; I will not retreat a single inch: and I will be heard. In this sublime spirit he commenced his labors for the slave, proposing no intervention by Congress
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
a Charta of human rights. Nor is this all. Such an act will be the first stage in those triumphs by which the Republic — lifted in character so as to become an example to mankind — will enter at last upon its noble prerogative of teaching the nations how to live. This magnificent speech was unanswerable except by menace and vituperation. It struck the heart of the barbarous system, and was in respect to argument a death-blow. As soon as Mr. Sumner resumed his seat, Mr. Chestnut of South Carolina rose, and in the bitter spirit of the doomed institution said,-- After ranging over Europe, crawling through the back doors to whine at the feet of British aristocracy, craving pity, and reaping a rich harvest of contempt, the slanderer of States and men re-appears in the Senate. We had hoped to be relieved from the outpourings of such vulgar malice. We had hoped that one who had felt, though ignominiously he failed to meet, the consequences of a former insolence, would have become
by which the Republic — lifted in character so as to become an example to mankind — will enter at last upon its noble prerogative of teaching the nations how to live. This magnificent speech was unanswerable except by menace and vituperation. It struck the heart of the barbarous system, and was in respect to argument a death-blow. As soon as Mr. Sumner resumed his seat, Mr. Chestnut of South Carolina rose, and in the bitter spirit of the doomed institution said,-- After ranging over Europe, crawling through the back doors to whine at the feet of British aristocracy, craving pity, and reaping a rich harvest of contempt, the slanderer of States and men re-appears in the Senate. We had hoped to be relieved from the outpourings of such vulgar malice. We had hoped that one who had felt, though ignominiously he failed to meet, the consequences of a former insolence, would have become wiser, if not better, by experience. . . . It has been left for this day, for this country, for
Russia (Russia) (search for this): chapter 14
osing the gates of knowledge; and fifthly, appropriating the unpaid labor of another. In respect to the last element he said,-- By such a fallacy is a whole race pauperized; and yet this transaction is not without illustrative example. A solemn poet, whose verse has found wide favor, pictures a creature who With one hand put A penny in the urn of poverty, And with the other took a shilling out. Pollok's Course of Time, Book VIII., 632. And a celebrated traveller through Russia, more than a generation ago, describes a kindred spirit, who, while on his knees before an altar of the Greek Church, devoutly told his beads with one hand, and with the other deliberately picked the pocket of a fellow-sinner by his side. The speaker then, by a careful comparison between the industrial, social, and literary condition of the slave and the free States, presented the sad results of slavery. In speaking of the influence of the slave-system on the characters of the slave-m
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
all, in our day a nobler instance of moral bravery. It is the best arranged and by far the most complete exposure of the horrid rite of slavery, wrote John Bigelow from New York, to be found within the same compass in any language, so far as known. I take pleasure in saying, said Horace White, in a letter written from Chicago, that in my opinion your recent effort ranks with Demosthenes on the Crown, and with Burke on Warren Hastings. Your speech, wrote A. A. Sargent (now senator from California) to Mr. Sumner, stirred my heart with feelings of pride for the representative of my native State. It was greatly feared by the friends of Mr. Sumner that personal violence would again be offered him; and, indeed, the attempt was made. On the eighth day of June, a stranger called on him in the evening, stating that he had come to hold him responsible for his speech, when Mr. Sumner directed him to leave the room. He departed after some delay, with the menace that he and his three fr
Neri (Texas, United States) (search for this): chapter 14
They may turn away wrath; but what is the wrath of man? This is no time to abandon any advantage in the argument. Senators sometimes announce that they resist slavery on political grounds only, and remind us that they say nothing of the moral question. This is wrong. Slavery must be resisted not only on political grounds, but on all other grounds, whether social, economical, or moral. Ours is no holiday contest; nor is it any strife of rival factions,--of White and Red Roses, of theatric Neri and Bianchi: but it is a solemn battle between right and wrong, between good and evil. Such a battle cannot be fought with excuses or with rosewater. There is austere work to be done; and Freedom cannot consent to fling away any of her weapons. His weapons were directed against the claims put forth especially by Mr. Davis: first, that slavery is a form of civilization; and second, that property in man is placed beyond the reach of Congressional prohibition. To the first said he,-- I
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