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Oliver Cromwell (search for this): chapter 28
n for a critic and an antagonist. Of himself, of his own personal interests and advancements, no man could be less careful than he was. All mercenary considerations he despised, and the end of the great struggle left him a much poorer man than he was at the beginning. All mere friendships he was ready to disregard and fling away as soon as he came to believe that their object did not share his own high and patriotic enthusiasm for the Union. He was such a man in his day and work as Oliver Cromwell was in his, and they who now propose to judge him by any narrow standard of their own are sure to judge wrongly. Of course, a great heroic figure like Stanton is not infallible, because he is a man. It was always possible for him to judge wrongly, and to be deceived by erroneous evidence. But one thing was never possible for him, and that was to be unfaithful to the Union or to show any mercy in feeling or in act towards its enemies. It is very easy for men in this year of 1886 t
Roscoe Conkling (search for this): chapter 28
been for honest government, both national and State, and, although he had gained a substantial victory, he could not resist the temptation to fire an occasional shot at those who had taken what he thought was a dishonorable part in the campaign, or had succeeded in getting away with spoils of battle to which they were not entitled. Dana seems at no time to have been opposed to Republicans as such, but always to dishonest Republicans, and this is strikingly shown by the fact that when Roscoe Conkling resigned from the Senate, because his wishes had not been complied with in reference to the appointment of a collector of customs for the port of New York, the Sun came out at once in favor of his re-election by the legislature, because it believed him to be an honest man, whose return to the Senate would be a rebuke to President Garfield. But this was not all. It commended the truth, devotion, and fidelity of Senator Platt in following the example of his more distinguished colleague,
Moses Y. Beach (search for this): chapter 28
heir respective lines, the sketches as corrected by Dana's own hand are here inserted: Moses Y. Beach was a business man and a newspaper manager rather than what we now understand as a journaliat is to say, one who is both a writer and a practical conductor and director of a newspaper. Mr. Beach was a man noted for enterprise in the collection of news. In the latter days when he owned anthen brought to Halifax by steamers, just as the news from Mexico was brought to New Orleans. Mr. Beach's energy found a successful field in establishing expresses brought by messengers on horsebackbers in this city and to other newspapers in every part of the country. Under the stimulus of Mr. Beach's energetic intellect, aided by the cheapness of its price, the Sun became in his hands an impmuch force and elasticity as he went after everything else. He ran expresses in opposition to Mr. Beach, though he finally joined the combination and became a member of the Associated Press, with Be
r surplus silver upon the United States, the Sun promptly gave its support to Cleveland's recommendation that the silver purchase act should be repealed. On the other hand, it severely criticised the action of his Attorney-General for bringing a suit to set aside the Bell telephone patents in behalf of the Pan-Electric Company, in which he was charged with having a substantial ownership. It characterized the action of the administration as scandalous, and demanded the dismissal of Attorney-General Garland for involving the government in a patent suit in which it had no interest, and which the laws of the land were amply sufficient to deal with. It condemned the President for the mild and conciliatory foreign policy which he adopted in the earlier part of his first term. It denounced his attitude towards Great Britain in regard to the Corinto affair with Nicaragua as a serious manifestation of indifference to the Monroe Doctrine, but did not fail to praise his message of retaliati
Samuel J. Randall (search for this): chapter 28
d for governor against him for president Supports Butler favors Randall for speaker Carlisle elected argument against internal revenue le controversies of politics death of George William Curtis Samuel J. Randall Benjamin F. Butler sketches of Beach and Bennett Early ight against Carlisle, of Kentucky, the party favorite, and favored Randall, of Pennsylvania, a life-long and very able protectionist. The n in turn would bring the Republicans again into power, Dana placed Randall on a simple but comprehensive platform of his own framing, and advf another kind, but scarcely less touching, is his tribute to Samuel J. Randall, his political friend and fellow-Democrat, who died in 1890, tives. Of him he wrote in part as follows: The history of Mr. Randall is narrated at some length in another part of this paper. It isrer or a nobler ideal. There was no sham, no glitter, no cant in Randall, but a singleness of purpose, a supremacy of intelligence, and a m
is Father and his God. It will be noted that while Dana was the youngest of the great New York journalists, he knew them all personally, and had at various titles professional or business relations with each of them. He was, of course, intimate with Greeley, and more or less sympathetic with the tastes and learning of William Cullen Bryant. As he was the survivor of the group, he was requested and consented to write his recollections of Bryant, Bennett, Greeley, Webb, Brooks, Beach, and Noah. In 1890 he dictated to his stenographer a brief account of Beach and a longer one of Bennett, but, unfortunately, never finished the series or published either of the sketches. As Beach was the founder of the Sun, and Bennett of the Herald, and as these are now the leading journals of the country in their respective lines, the sketches as corrected by Dana's own hand are here inserted: Moses Y. Beach was a business man and a newspaper manager rather than what we now understand as a
na seems at no time to have been opposed to Republicans as such, but always to dishonest Republicans, and this is strikingly shown by the fact that when Roscoe Conkling resigned from the Senate, because his wishes had not been complied with in reference to the appointment of a collector of customs for the port of New York, the Sun came out at once in favor of his re-election by the legislature, because it believed him to be an honest man, whose return to the Senate would be a rebuke to President Garfield. But this was not all. It commended the truth, devotion, and fidelity of Senator Platt in following the example of his more distinguished colleague, while it denounced one of his principal opponents in the legislature who had taken a professional part in preventing the investigation of the Black Friday conspiracy from uncovering the real culprits. As early as January, 1881, the Sun called attention to the latent heat of public feeling, and its liability to be kindled into flame by
Preston S. Brooks (search for this): chapter 28
course, intimate with Greeley, and more or less sympathetic with the tastes and learning of William Cullen Bryant. As he was the survivor of the group, he was requested and consented to write his recollections of Bryant, Bennett, Greeley, Webb, Brooks, Beach, and Noah. In 1890 he dictated to his stenographer a brief account of Beach and a longer one of Bennett, but, unfortunately, never finished the series or published either of the sketches. As Beach was the founder of the Sun, and Bennett d went after it with as much force and elasticity as he went after everything else. He ran expresses in opposition to Mr. Beach, though he finally joined the combination and became a member of the Associated Press, with Beach, Greeley, Webb, and Brooks, for all of whom he maintained a kind of intellectual contempt, but none of whom he really hated half so much as he pretended. There was one quality of Mr. Bennett's which is worthy of unqualified admiration, and that is his spirit of independ
Hobart Ward (search for this): chapter 28
ear 1885 the Sun touched upon all the topics of the day, but never as a party organ. It discussed the national banks from an economic point of view, but was not overfriendly to them. Indeed, it thought they could be dispensed with entirely, or be deprived of their function of issuing circulating notes without serious detriment to the national interests. While sympathizing deeply with General Grant, on account of the financial disaster that had overtaken him through the failure of Grant & Ward, of which he was the senior partner, Dana, in an editorial doubtless from his own pen, opposed the proposition that Congress should give him a pension. He thought that no such precedent should be established, but proposed instead that the public sympathy should be manifested towards the unfortunate general by a great popular subscription to be limited to ten dollars from any subscriber, and that the proceeds should be put into the hands of trustees who should collect and pay over the interes
James Gordon Bennett (search for this): chapter 28
ll Benjamin F. Butler sketches of Beach and Bennett Early in the presidential term of Rutherfonsented to write his recollections of Bryant, Bennett, Greeley, Webb, Brooks, Beach, and Noah. In a brief account of Beach and a longer one of Bennett, but, unfortunately, never finished the serieis day. Contemporary with him was James Gordon Bennett, of the Herald, in many respects the mol power and such an intellectual elevation in Bennett's face that it was always impressive and comp it with his satire. The last time I saw Mr. Bennett was in the summer of 1868, when I paid him by Mr. Frederick Hudson, for so many years Mr. Bennett's faithful and most efficient lieutenant. I found Mr. Bennett lying on the sofa, with an immense pile of newspapers that he had just read scaower. Its success was entirely the work of Mr. Bennett; and, with all the rest, he had an entire aMr. Lincoln. Finally, when the career of Mr. Bennett was ended, the antagonisms and hostilities [8 more...]
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