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did not violate the spirit, if not the letter, of her own laws of neutrality, and the laws of nations. No intelligent man will deny that by these acts she prolonged and inflamed that accursed war. No man in his senses supposes for a moment that England would have ventured on such a course of hostility and inhumanity at any other period of our history since the Peace of 1815. No other thoughts can suggest themselves to impartial men that, while we were going through a domestic trouble,—a grto impartial men that, while we were going through a domestic trouble,—a great trouble, which filled every true heart in America or elsewhere with a sadness which dragged us down to the depths of the earth. Little did England then dream, that within eight short years—and chiefly through the influence of Charles Sumner—she would be forced to yield to arbitration, and branded by an impartial Tribunal as a public enemy of the United States, and condemned to pay exemplary damages for he
er and go and steal this cotton? If you attempt it, will you succeed? How much cotton would you get before your ministry went down?—Before you lost a market for your commerce with twenty-three million freemen?—Before our breadstuffs, which are now keeping the wolf away from British doors, would reach your shores?—Before bread-riots would occur throughout the British Islands which would make you turn pale?—Before all seas would swarm with our privateers,—now twenty-fold more numerous than in 1812, when you found them too fleet and too strong for you?—Before you encountered, in addition to two millions of our native soldiers and sailors, half a million of adopted citizens,—able-bodied men, formerly British subjects, and burning to avenge the wrongs of centuries inflicted on their devoted Island? My lord, do you plead that the exigencies of statesmanship demand that you should turn the arms of the earth against you? Do you suppose that Napoleon would lose such a chance for av
bully. I am, my lord, your obedient servant, C. Edwards Lester. No jurist will pretend to say that in all this she did not violate the spirit, if not the letter, of her own laws of neutrality, and the laws of nations. No intelligent man will deny that by these acts she prolonged and inflamed that accursed war. No man in his senses supposes for a moment that England would have ventured on such a course of hostility and inhumanity at any other period of our history since the Peace of 1815. No other thoughts can suggest themselves to impartial men that, while we were going through a domestic trouble,—a great trouble, which filled every true heart in America or elsewhere with a sadness which dragged us down to the depths of the earth. Little did England then dream, that within eight short years—and chiefly through the influence of Charles Sumner—she would be forced to yield to arbitration, and branded by an impartial Tribunal as a public enemy of the United States, and co<
ds the British oligarchy, nor with favoritism towards our republic, said in speaking on this same subject in the same year—1840— It were well if some ingenious optician could invent an instrument which would remedy the defects of that long-sighted sweeping the distant horizon for objects of compassion, but blind as a bat to the misery at the door. It was not so in 1840 alone. I have been in England several times since, but I never saw a good year for the poor of that oppressive empire. To show that this was all the poorest of shams, and that England owed us no good-will, let us step from 1840 to 863. We saw all things the same in England, except in the negro business. Here all was changed. British sympathy was shifted from thom the maintenance of free institutions to their overthrow,—from civilization to barbarism,–from liberty to bondage. In 1840, Mr. Stephenson, our Virginia slave-breeding Ambassador near the Court of St. James, became so odious that no chance to s
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