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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2. Search the whole document.

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France (France) (search for this): chapter 2
ds in North Carolina are numerous, and their votes are wanted to turn the scales in favor of the Magician. This optimistic view was not shared by his Southern auditors. They knew, in fact, as Senator Preston declared, that in England and in France the Lib. 6.48. developments of popular sentiment are all against us. The French Society for the Abolition of Slavery, through its secretary, Count Alexandre de Laborde, apprised Mr. Garrison, by letter of July 23, 1836, of his having been elected a corresponding member. A similar honor had been bestowed by Scotland. A powerful union, he says (Lib. 6.159), is now formed between the abolitionists of England, France and America, for the extirpation of slavery and the slave trade from the face of the whole earth. The denunciations heard there reverberate throughout our own country. The Liberator, indeed, for 1836 is one long reverberation of Thompson's triumphant tour through Annual Report Mass. A. S. Soc., 1837, p. 51. England an
Missouri (Missouri, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
of the city, with the connivance of the mayor. As in the case of Boston there was no mob. According to the distinction so well formulated by Judge Lawless, of Missouri, when a colored man had been burnt Lib. 6.102. at the stake, it was not the act of numerable and ascertainable malefactors, but of congregated thousands, seizedrthern members of Congress on their magnanimity in voting to ratify the treaty for the removal of the Cherokees (to make way for slavery), to enlarge the area of Missouri, by altering the compromise line so as to convert free soil into slave soil, and to admit Arkansas with its slavery-perpetuating constitution—all in the session kansas as a slave State would not get through the House of Representatives, at Washington, short of three or four weeks, and that it will probably create another Missouri excitement. To-day we have had two hundred petitions printed on a letter-sheet, which will be scattered throughout the Commonwealth for signatures, remonstratin
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 2
our Union? . . . The right of free and safe locomotion from one part of the land to the other is denied to us, except on peril of our lives! . . . Therefore it is, I assert, that the Union is now virtually dissolved. . . . Look at McDuffie's sanguinary message! Read Calhoun's Report to the U. S. Senate, authorizing every postmaster in the South to plunder the mail of such Northern letters or newspapers as he may choose to think incendiary! Sir, the alternative presented to the people of New England is this—they must either submit to be gagged and fettered by Southern taskmasters, or labor unceasingly for the removal of slavery from our country. . . . In Massachusetts, a colored citizen stands on the same equality with the Governor of the State. He is entitled to vote, and may be elected to fill any office in the gift of the people. No slaveholding State, therefore, can legislate against his rights, any more than against the rights of Mr. Webster or Mr. Everett, without violatin
Danvers (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
ontinue in our land; that it stood on the same level with the Genthoo sacrifices; and that he did not believe a man, or any body of men, could be found in that assembly, who would dare to propose any law, or any resolutions, censuring the antislavery society, or any other. Mr. Rantoul of Gloucester, Mr. Foster of Brimfield, Mr. Hillard of Boston, Mr. Longley of Festus Foster. Thomas Longley. Joshua H. Ward. Gilbert H. Durfee. [Hawley], all spoke in favor of our rights; also, Mr. Ward of Danvers, and Mr. Durfee of Fall River. Mr. Durfee said he was proud to acknowledge himself as one of the proscribed abolitionists, and he thanked God that he stood where he could vindicate his own rights and the rights of others. A motion was now made to lay our memorial upon the table—ayes 204, noes 216. It was then referred to the committee. The next day a warm debate ensued in the Senate. I cherish strong hopes that our Legislature will pass no resolutions against us —a gag law is out of the
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
onists; Massachusetts and Connecticut have refused to act upon the Southern documents; Vermont is yet to act, and no doubt her Legislature will imitate that of Pennsylvania, It did, Nov. 16, 1836 (Lib. 6: 193). viz., by Lib. 6.112, 203. vindicating the right of free discussion, and maintaining the duty of Congress to abolishing their organization,—which they did at the rate of Lib. 6.183. nearly one new society a day, including a vigorous State Society in Rhode Island, and one in Pennsylvania,—was Lib. 6.22, 179. to defeat the legislative movements directed against the right of free speech; to keep up the bombardment of Congress with petitions for nd cities, not forgetting the still outstanding reward offered by Georgia for the apprehension of the editor of the Liberator. Judicial decisions like those in Pennsylvania and New Lib. 6.62, 124. Jersey, claiming rather than asserting for alleged fugitives the right of trial by jury; and like Judge Shaw's in the famous Med case
Northfield, Mass. (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
205. having got response only from Maine, New York, and Ohio, and satisfaction from no quarter; but was disposed to make a last appeal. Repression by popular violence—the reign of terror —continued unabated, in spite of its notorious effect in multiplying anti-slavery organizations upon the very heels of the mob. Typical cases were the town-meeting appointment of a vigilance committee to prevent Lib. 7.13. antislavery meetings in Canaan, N. H.; the arrest of the Rev. George Storrs, at Northfield, in the same State, in a friendly pulpit, at the close of a discourse on slavery, as Lib. 6.19, 63, 155. a common brawler, and his subsequent sentence by a justice of the peace to hard labor in the House of Correction for three months (not sustained on appeal); and the repeated destruction of Birney's Philanthropist Lib. 6.22, 25, 123, 139, 158; Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, Chap. 15. printing-office by the gentlemen of property and standing in Cincinnati—an outrage bearing a close resem<
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
rises, intended to be executed therein. Governor Everett, of Massachusetts, was even more obsequious, proclaiming his belief that whateverave adopted some weak resolutions, censuring the abolitionists; Massachusetts and Connecticut have refused to act upon the Southern documentsexico, with a view to ultimate annexation. A counter-stroke in Massachusetts to the Southern documents was the petition to the Legislature te place by a common interest in preserving liberty of speech in Massachusetts. The Southern legislative entreaties for repression of the aboich were in part offered to the Committee of the Legislature of Massachusetts, etc. (Boston: Isaac Knapp, 1836). Since he left, our Society ss no resolutions against us —a gag law is out of the question. Massachusetts is still the sheet-anchor of our country. Mr. Garrison did singly for the removal of slavery from our country. . . . In Massachusetts, a colored citizen stands on the same equality with the Governo
Cambridgeport (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
und in this city, and erect upon it a large shanty, capable of holding two or three thousand people—saying that he would give $25 towards it. It was generally thought, however, that, if erected, it would be torn down before we could occupy it, and would be likely to excite a mob without doing us any benefit, as the market is now getting to be somewhat glutted with deeds of violence. For several good reasons, we have concluded, if we cannot do better, to hold the Convention in Roxbury or Cambridgeport. This stirring Convention, the published call for which had 3,000 signatures (Supplement to Lib. May 14, 1836), and which was attended by 500 delegates, was held in the Rev. Mr. Blagden's Salem-Street Church, Boston, through no good — will of the pastor ( Right and Wrong, 1836, [2] p. 9), whose retirement, a few months later, to become pastor of the Old South (Lib. 6.163),was thought to be in consequence of this Convention. Samuel Fessenden, of Portland, presided (Lib. 6.87). . . .
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
Agents in New York City, where he meets the Grimke sisters, of South Carolina. In criticizing Lyman Beecher's discourse on the Sabbath, he rthout reference to a committee. In the House, Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, incurred the bitter Annual Report Mass. A. S. Soc., 1837, p.ure, with resolutions adopted by the Legislature of Lib. 6.33. South Carolina, asking for penal enactments against the abolitionists, he exprt unsupplied with resolutions from the Carolinas, Those from South Carolina were made more impressive by an inspired article, styled The Cr do nothing upon the subject. What will the South say now? South Carolina said, speaking through Governor Mc-Duffie's message, that but tthat had Lib. 6.156. been found objectionable on this score in South Carolina. To make assurance doubly sure, General Duff Green obtained ofpared to lay these petitions on the table. Senator Preston, of South Carolina, in the debate on the same petitions, March 1, 1836, affirmed t
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
but legislation against the abolitionists was discountenanced. The legislatures of Maine and New York have adopted some weak resolutions, censuring the abolitionists; Massachusetts and Connecticut have refused to act upon the Southern documents; Vermont is yet to act, and no doubt her Legislature will imitate that of Pennsylvania, It did, Nov. 16, 1836 (Lib. 6: 193). viz., by Lib. 6.112, 203. vindicating the right of free discussion, and maintaining the duty of Congress to abolish slaverygreen old age Miss Henrietta Sargent was one of the most generous and attached friends of Mr. Garrison's family. And so will many others. . . . We have just had a letter from bro. Phelps at New York, Amos A. Phelps. stating that Mr. Slade of Vermont had just sent on the agreeable information, that the bill for the admission of Arkansas as a slave State would not get through the House of Representatives, at Washington, short of three or four weeks, and that it will probably create another Mi
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