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Auburn, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
to hear again from you and Mary, and so I muster me up to thank you for your letter and ask for another. I have, however, little to say. We passed a very quiet life at Geneseo, Mr. Ticknor and his family passed the months from June to October, 1845, in the village of Geneseo, New York, near to the country houses of their friends, Mr. and Mrs. James S. Wadsworth and Miss Wadsworth. In a letter, written after his return home, to Prince John of Saxony, he mentions a visit to the prison at Auburn, in which he was interested in consequence of the eager discussion of questions of prison discipline then going on, to which allusions will be found in the letters. after I last wrote to you, till five days ago, when we came here, or rather to the other side of the river; Miss Wadsworth and Gray joining our party, and Sam Guild having preceded us by a couple of days, after having spent two days, much to his satisfaction, at Geneseo. There—the other side of the river—we found Ole Bull and
Maine (Maine, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
sy as they did when I saw them last . . . . . Moreover, they begin to be afraid, as Macbeth did, that they have 'filed their minds, after all, for somebody's else benefit and not for their own, or that of their party. They begin to be afraid, in short, that Taylor may not be chosen. . . . . . I am, on the contrary, of the mind of the elder brother in Comus:— I incline to hope, rather than fear, And gladly banish squint suspicion. I shall vote for Taylor, and if you do as well for him in Maine as Vermont has done, you will yet give him your personal vote as an elector . . . . I write to you about politics because there is nothing else hereabouts to send you, except a little orthodoxy from the village church, or a little of the polufloi/sboio qala/sshs from the beach before us. We have had Mrs. Norton and some of her children staying with us, and expect them again. Gray, too, has been here, the Everetts, Prescotts, and so on. We have not been alone since the first few days aft
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
e here gives a summary of the history of slavery in the United States from colonial times. . . . . The last important disc—we have, in proportion to the number of persons in the United States who belong to the Episcopal or Anglican church, just as has been almost as exclusively an Irish affair, in the United States, as it has been in Ireland, it may still serve to show will draw fro m all these facts the inference that the United States—notwithstanding we have just chosen Mr. Polk to be Presould become unprofitable, at some time or other, in the United States,—probably as soon as it is for the interest of the slav You will not be surprised to hear that wise men in the United States saw, from the first, that no good was to come—except assm. As for my opinion, a constitution like that of the United States would, in this point of view, be the best. Selfgovern- now to put down any form of anarchy in any city in the United States than it was a fortnight ago. There is a confidence whi
Manchester (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
Chapter 11: Letters to Mr. Lyell, Miss Edgeworth, Mr. Kenyon, G. T. Curtis, C. S. Daveis, Prince John of Saxony, G. S. Hillard, and Horatio Greenough. summers at Geneseo, N. Y.; Manchester, on Massachusetts Bay. journeys in Pennsylvania, New York, New Hampshire, etc. passing Public events. slavery and repudiation. prison discipline. Revolutions of 1848. Astor place riots. To Charles Lyell, Esq., London. Boston, November 30, 1843. my dear Mr. Lyell,—I wrote you a word by the last steamer, and now, in continuation, take up the several points in yours of October 12. The first is repudiation. On the whole of this matter, I refer you to an article which will appear in the North American for January. . . . You may depend, I think, on every word of fact or law that you find in this paper. Written by the late Benjamin R. Curtis. When you come to the prophecy you must judge for yourself. I do not know that anything needs to be added to it for your purp
Preussen (search for this): chapter 11
the republic in France. Germany is perhaps in a more convulsive state than any other country, being occupied at the same moment in reconstructing its general constitution and the constitution of its several states. The two greatest monarchies—Prussia and Austria—are shaken to their foundations; the last, above all, by the great difference of nations which are united under one crown, and which seem now inclined to separate into so many different kingdoms. With all that, two wars in the neighborhood,—the one of Prussia, or rather Germany, with Denmark, the other of Austria with Italy,—and, what is yet worse, the sense for legitimate order, even for property, when it suits not the opinions of the day, shaken to its foundation in the lower classes; the principles of socialism and communism diffusing themselves everywhere . . . . . But yet every one must endeavor to hold his post as long as he can, and perhaps the storm may pass away, and the stream return to regular channels,—not
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 11
me to another of your exciting topics,—Puseyism,—we have, in proportion to the number of persons in the United States who belong to the Episcopal or Anglican church, just as much Puseyism, and just as bitter quarrels about it, as you have. In New England—thanks to the wisdom, I believe, of the Anglican clergy—we have not been much infected either way; but New York is full of the matter, and its newspapers too. Then, too, our tariff question, which is annually shaking the nation, is exactly yout have been forgotten and those that have not, by this one return. I wish we were likely to see more of your works here, and do not despair of it. But things have been so unsettled for the last two years, and the great material interests of New England are so much jeoparded, that no appeal to public liberality has been ventured in Boston for a long period. . . . . But be assured that it would give me very great pleasure to see a bronze statue of Washington by you in State Street, and that w
Saxony (Saxony, Germany) (search for this): chapter 11
on, G. T. Curtis, C. S. Daveis, Prince John of Saxony, G. S. Hillard, and Horatio Greenough. summitten after his return home, to Prince John of Saxony, he mentions a visit to the prison at Auburn, our loving father, G. T. To Prince John, of Saxony. Boston, U. S. A., October 30, 1846. my deWhenever I have an opportunity I inquire about Saxony and its affairs, and am always glad when I hea convulsions of 1789. From Prince John, of Saxony. Pillnitz, the 14 May, 1848. dear Sir,—I hfriendship, Your affectionate John, Duke of Saxony. My compliments to Mrs. Ticknor. To Mirculating them. . . . . To Prince John, of Saxony. Boston, U. S. A., July 30, 1848. My dear ant, George Ticknor. From Prince John, of Saxony. Pillnitz, 3 September, 1848. dear Sir,—I y respects, a false way. . . . . With us in Saxony, things are relatively better, and have even mn begin. Your sincere friend, John, Duke of Saxony. To Charles S. Daveis. Manchester, Septemb
Southampton (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 11
ches the fatal subject of slavery. I hate to come near it, so odious is it to me in all its forms, and so full of difficulties for our future condition. However, there are consoling points about it, and I will go on. He here gives a summary of the history of slavery in the United States from colonial times. . . . . The last important discussion on involuntary servitude at the South was in the Virginia Legislature, in 1831-32, soon after a formidable insurrection had occurred near Southampton, in that State. No question was taken; but, from the whole tone of the debate, all men apprehended the near abolition of slavery in Virginia, Maryland, and Kentucky, and, so far as I know, all men rejoiced at it. Certainly all the North did. We hoped something would now be done that should counteract whatever of mischief had followed the extension of slavery, in 1820, to Missouri, sorely against our will. But we were disappointed. Political and sectional abolitionism had appeared alr
Manchester (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 11
ly is growing up, my second daughter promised to the Duke of Genoa, son of the King of Sardinia, but the political circumstances have retarded the marriage. . . . . The notices you gave me about the question of prison reform are very interesting. I am sorry that Gray's book is so little known in Europe. I will endeavor to render it more public. The Paradiso is finished, and I hope the impression will soon begin. Your sincere friend, John, Duke of Saxony. To Charles S. Daveis. Manchester, September 10, 1848. This and the two following summers were passed by Mr. Ticknor on the northern shore of Massachusetts Bay, where he had hired a pleasant house, standing on the edge of a cliff directly by the sea, and having a hundred acres of wood and field around it. My dear Charles,—you have not kept your tryst. . . . . However, I dare say we shall find a room for you, if you will find a locus poenitentioe for us, though, as we have no safety-valve in our territory, like the Tr
Dresden, Tenn. (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ce of men who know better, and are stronger than they are. In a society where public opinion governs, unsound opinions must be rebuked, and you can no more do that, while you treat their apostles with favor, than you can discourage bad books at the moment you are buying and circulating them. . . . . To Prince John, of Saxony. Boston, U. S. A., July 30, 1848. My dear Prince,—Your kind and interesting letter of the 14th of May, with one from Count Circourt, written after he had been at Dresden, have kept you almost constantly in our thoughts of late. Indeed, it is difficult to think of anything else but the changes that are now going on, like a solemn drama, in Europe; not only because the fate and fortunes of so many of our personal friends are put at hazard by them, but because they involve so deeply the cause of Christian civilization and the paramount interests of our common humanity. We feel, to be sure, comparatively safe ourselves. Our people are young; we have room
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