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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans). Search the whole document.

Found 305 total hits in 94 results.

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Anson P. Burlingame (search for this): chapter 3
with horror—we are bound to disobey this act. Charles Sumner. The Advertiser has no hesitation in saying that it does not hold to the faithful observance of the fugitive-slave law of 1850. Portland Advertiser. I have no doubt but the free and slave states ought to be separated. ... The Union is not worth supporting in connection with the South. Horace Greeley. The times demand and we must have an anti-slavery Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and an anti-slavery God. Anson P. Burlingame. There is merit in the Republican party. It is this: It is the first sectional party ever organized in this country.... It is not national, it is sectional. It is the North arrayed against the South. . . . The first crack in the iceberg is visible; you will yet hear it go with a crack through the center. Wendell Phillips. The cure for slavery prescribed by Redpath is the only infallible remedy, and men must foment insurrection among the slaves in order to cure the evils. It
Bryan (search for this): chapter 3
ires. The Federal judiciary, the Congress, the Executive, the Constitution, the Union, are but emanations of the sovereignty of the States, and the States are not bound by their wishes, necessities, action, except as they have agreed to be bound, and this agreement was made, not with the Union, the Federal government, their agent and creature, but with one another. Vicious legislation must be remedied by the people who suffer from the effects of it and not by those who enjoy its benefits. （Bryan.) They made their compact as sovereign States, and as such they alone are to determine the nature and extent of that agreement and how far they were to be bound. Each State was grantor and grantee receiving precisely what it had granted. The Federal government was in no sense a party to the Constitution; it has no original powers and can exert only what the States surrendered to it, and these States, from the very nature and structure of the common government, are alone competent to decid
John Sherman (search for this): chapter 3
terrible consequences of spoliation of property, arson, insurrection, murder and treason. The raid was a compound of foolhardiness and cruelty. Conservative and respectable journals and all decent men and women denounced, at the time, the arrogant and silly attempt of the murderer to take into his destructive hands the execution of his fell purposes. Sympathy with those purposes and his methods was vehemently disclaimed by representatives of all parties in Congress, conspicuously by Hon. John Sherman. Few, except red-handed and insane fanatics, lifted voice against his execution, after a fair trial and just verdict by a Virginia court. A Senate committee, after a laborious investigation of the facts, submitted a report accompanied by evidence, and said: It was simply the act of lawless ruffians, under the sanction of no public or political authority, distinguishable only from ordinary felonies by the ulterior ends in contemplation by them, and by the fact that the money to mainta
Morris (search for this): chapter 3
over railways and industries and absorbed and exercised a sovereign power over interstate commerce, capital, labor, currency and property. We have seen an alliance between Congress and eleemosynarians, senators taking care of their private affairs in revenue bills, and manufacturers before sub-committees of ways and means and of finance dictating the subjects to be taxed and the amount of duties to be levied. One wonders how these revolutions and iniquities have been accomplished. Governor Morris wrote to Timothy Pickering that the legislative lion will not be entangled in the meshes of a logical net. The legislature will always make the power which it wishes to exercise. One of the ablest expounders of the Constitution deplores the science of verbality, the artifice of so verbalizing as to assail and destroy the plainest provisions. The instrumentality of inference has sapped and mined our political system. Acuteness of misinterpretation and construction has accomplished wha
Elliot (search for this): chapter 3
e States in their ratification and adoption of the Constitution, and reaffirmed from that day continuously, the seceding States neither desired nor expected resistance to their action. The power to coerce States had been explicitly rejected in the convention. Hamilton said: To coerce the States was one of the maddest projects ever devised. No provision had been made by any of the States to meet a resistance to their withdrawal from the partnership. (Madison Papers, 732, 761, 822, 914; 2d Elliot's Debates, 199, 232, 233.) Not a gun, not an establishment for their manufacture or repair, nor a soldier, nor a vessel, had been provided as preparation for war, offensive or defensive. On the contrary, they desired to live in peace and friendship with their late confederates, and took all the necessary steps to secure that desired result. There was no appeal to the arbitrament of arms, nor any provocation to war. They preferred and earnestly sought to make a fair and equitable settlemen
Webster (search for this): chapter 3
faith they have always been in favor of limitations of power, they have insisted that all powers not delegated to the Federal government are reserved, and have been constantly struggling to preserve the rights of the States and to prevent them from being drawn into the vortex and swallowed up by one great consolidated government. As confirmatory of the statement that the South has been misrepresented and villified through ignorance, it may be said that, while school boys are familiar with Webster's eloquent periods, few writers and politicians have read the more logical and unanswerable argument of Hayne. There is no ultimate nor authoritative appeal for determining the political differences between the North and South except the Constitution, but some preliminary inquiries, answers to which will be suggestive and argumentative, may aid in understanding and interpreting that instrument. Our Constitution is not a mere temporary expedient. It exists in full force until changed by
Filmer (search for this): chapter 3
f ascertaining, defining or limiting the undelegated powers of the States. History is said to be constantly repeating itself. This assumption of the Federal government, through all or either of the departments, to decide, ultimately and authoritatively, upon the character and extent of the grants and limitations of the Constitution, upon the powers it possesses, is a claim of absolute sovereignty and is not distinguishable from the unrepublican theory of the Divine Right, as expounded by Filmer and other such writers. Reduced to its real significance, it is practically what was asserted by the Holy Alliance of 1815, when certain European sovereigns, under a kind of approved orthodox despotism, assumed the prerogative to perpetuate existing dynasties, to suppress rebellions and revolutions, and to crush out civil and religious liberty. This alliance insisted that governments did not derive their authority or legitimacy from the assent of the people; that all who asserted such poli
James Madison (search for this): chapter 3
glish form of government, this division with limitations is unknown and parliament is supreme. Madison, in the Federalist, says: The Federal and State governments are, in fact, but different agents ly, the convention was composed of deputies appointed by the States, and they voted as States. Madison, in recording their action, on agreeing to the Constitution, says: It passes in the affirmativeshington entered upon his duties as president. The assent and ratification of the people, says Madison, not as individuals composing an entire nation, but as composing the distinct and independent Ses, rights and liberties appertaining to them. The third Virginia resolution of 1798, drawn by Madison, puts this very clearly—That this assembly doth explicitly and perempiorily declare that it vieent entire absorption of the powers which were purposely withheld from the general government. Madison said: Where resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the parties, the part
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 3
authority over the domain. Slavery must be abolished, and we must do it. Wm. H. Seward. The time is fast approaching when the cry will become too overpowering t 12th of March the commissioners officially addressed the secretary of state (Mr. Seward), informing him of the purpose of their mission, and stating, in the language In the papers were letters from Judge Campbell to President Davis and to Secretary Seward, the latter having been submitted to Mr. Seward, who did not reply or publMr. Seward, who did not reply or publicly question the correctness or accuracy of the recital. Judge Campbell held written and oral conferences with Secretary Seward, and from these he felt justified inSecretary Seward, and from these he felt justified in writing to Mr. Seward, The commissioners who received these communications conclude they have been abused and overreached. The Montgomery government hold the same Mr. Seward, The commissioners who received these communications conclude they have been abused and overreached. The Montgomery government hold the same opinion. I think no candid man who will read over what I have written, and consider for a moment what is going on at Sumter, but will agree that the equivocating con
Roger Foster (search for this): chapter 3
n a kindred subject in a political address in New York, characterized as packing the court with men who will decide as Congress wants them to. Perhaps more conclusive proof of the insecurity of a minority and of unresisted tendency toward assumption of all power which may be supposed to be needed for the accomplishment of coveted ends, may be found in the reconstruction measures, which were deliberately purposed to punish the rebels and to subject the white people to negro domination. Roger Foster, in his commentaries on the Constitution, 1896 (pp. 265-267), speaks of the dealings of Congress and the Federal government with the Southern States during the period of reconstruction. At his hands the story becomes a gloomy tale of vacillation, intimidation and fraud; but he tells it with plainness and directness and with more than his usual force. In his opinion the validity of the acts of Congress is open to investigation, and, in view of the language of the Constitution, the decisi
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