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Browsing named entities in Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans).

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1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1
rn leaders in the State had had a conception of the nature of the crisis that confronted them. But they were politicians, men shrewd enough in their way, who knew the written and unwritten laws of party management thoroughly, while war and revolution were entirely beyond their mental range, and consequently they delayed, hesitated and frittered away their strength, laboriously doing nothing, until the storm burst upon them and found them totally unprepared. At the presidential election in 1860, Missouri cast its electoral vote for Stephen A. Douglas. It was the only State that did so. The total vote was 165,000. Of these, 58,801 were given to the Douglas electors; 58,373 to the Bell electors; 31,317 to the Breckinridge electors; and 17,165 to the Lincoln electors. The vote, however, did not correctly represent the sentiment of the people of the State. Claiborne F. Jackson was the regular Democratic nominee for governor. He was a good man, in a personal sense, and thoroughly l
Montgomery Blair (search for this): chapter 1
cis P. Blair, Jr., had been organized into a party and were a compact and fanatical force in the bodypol-itic. Blair was a man of great strength of character, and a fearless and sagacious party leader. In the politics of the State he was an outlaw, and in the stormy period preceding the war he was more or less a revolutionist. He had nothing to lose and everything to gain by a bold course. Besides this, circumstances favored him. When Mr. Lincoln made up his cabinet, his brother, Judge Montgomery Blair, was appointed postmaster-general. Thus Frank Blair was the unquestioned leader of a considerable and well-organized party in the State, with the resources of the Federal government practically at his disposal as far as Missouri was concerned, and was well fitted by nature and experience to play a bold part in the terrible drama of war and revolution which was impending. Notwithstanding the comparative insignificance of the Republican vote in the State, the contest was not as une
1819 AD (search for this): chapter 1
neration prior to that time. It may be said that the political contest between the North and the South began, or at least assumed definite form, with the application of Missouri for admission into the Union, and that the feeling of hostility in the North engendered by that contest, toward the State, has grown with the lapse of time to the present day. During the seventy odd years which have passed, the habit of misrepresenting the State and its people has become fixed and ineradicable. In 1819 Missouri sought admission into the Union on terms entirely in accordance with the requirements of the Federal Constitution and the precedents established in the admission of other States—Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana and Mississippi in the South, and Vermont, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois in the North—with the difference that the former recognized the institution of domestic slavery, and the latter did not. But in each instance the people of the State seeking admission had decided the question
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1
ters on the people of the State, and possibly changed the whole current of American history. The supporters of Breckinridge, of Douglas and of Bell were in the main opposed to the sectional purposes of the Republican party, to the election of Lincoln, to the policy of the coercion of the Southern States, and when the test came would have been united in regard to the position Missouri should take. But dissensions and antagonisms were created among them by bad management. The vote showed theer. In the politics of the State he was an outlaw, and in the stormy period preceding the war he was more or less a revolutionist. He had nothing to lose and everything to gain by a bold course. Besides this, circumstances favored him. When Mr. Lincoln made up his cabinet, his brother, Judge Montgomery Blair, was appointed postmaster-general. Thus Frank Blair was the unquestioned leader of a considerable and well-organized party in the State, with the resources of the Federal government pra
John C. Breckinridge (search for this): chapter 1
attached. But he was not. His precipitate movement in favor of Douglas divided Southern men and produced discord among them, when it was desirable above all things that they should be united and should act together in harmony. This was the first great mistake made by the Southern leaders in Missouri, and it was followed with fatal consistency by others that brought many disasters on the people of the State, and possibly changed the whole current of American history. The supporters of Breckinridge, of Douglas and of Bell were in the main opposed to the sectional purposes of the Republican party, to the election of Lincoln, to the policy of the coercion of the Southern States, and when the test came would have been united in regard to the position Missouri should take. But dissensions and antagonisms were created among them by bad management. The vote showed the Republicans were out. numbered nine to one. Their strength was mainly in St. Louis and the counties along the south sid
Montgomery (search for this): chapter 1
if they had chosen to learn the lesson. The State had found it necessary during the preceding fall to keep a considerable military force on its southwestern frontier to protect the lives and property of the people of the border counties from the predatory and murderous incursions of armed bands of Kansans. So bitter was the feeling of the Free State men of Kansas that they never allowed an opportunity to harass, plunder and murder the people of Missouri to pass unimproved. A certain Captain Montgomery, with an indefinite force under him, was particularly active in this congenial work. The only organized and armed force which the State had was Gen. D. M. Frost's skeleton brigade, of St. Louis. It was a fine body of men—a little army in itself, composed of infantry, artillery and cavalry—and General Frost, who was a native of New York, was a graduate of West Point. Though the brigade did not fight any battles, Frost was an intelligent officer and a strict disciplinarian, and his ca
1821 AD (search for this): chapter 1
t account the Northern members of Congress refused to admit it. The Southern members favored its admission, holding that the people of Missouri had a right to determine the question as they pleased when they came to frame their State constitution. In this the North was manifestly the aggressor. Its position had no warrant in the Constitution, in the laws or in the precedents bearing on the subject. The contest that followed was prolonged and violent, but finally the State was admitted in 1821, as the result of the adoption of a compromise—known as the Missouri Compromise, the principal provisions of which were that Missouri should be admitted as a slaveholding State, but after that time there should be no slavery north of the line of 36 degrees and 30 minutes, while in States south of that line, formed out of territory embraced in the Louisiana purchase, slavery might or might not exist as the people determined in organizing State governments. In this way the immediate question a
Thomas H. Benton (search for this): chapter 1
terpreted by Southern statesmen, and instructing its senators in Congress to co-operate with the senators of the other Southern States in any measures they might adopt as a defense against the encroachments and aggressions of the North. Senator Thomas H. Benton refused to obey these instructions and appealed to the people of the State in vindication of his course. He was serving his fifth term in the Senate, and his hold on the people of the State was very strong. But notwithstanding his grean St. Louis and the counties along the south side of the Missouri river between St. Louis and Jefferson City, in which, as well as in St. Louis, there was a large element of Germans. The seeds of Republicanism had been sown in the State by Thomas H. Benton, when he appealed to the people against the instructions of the legislature twelve years before. In the contest which ensued his friends had established an organ in St. Louis to advocate his cause, and his supporters, under the leadership o
William S. Harney (search for this): chapter 1
pass unimproved. A certain Captain Montgomery, with an indefinite force under him, was particularly active in this congenial work. The only organized and armed force which the State had was Gen. D. M. Frost's skeleton brigade, of St. Louis. It was a fine body of men—a little army in itself, composed of infantry, artillery and cavalry—and General Frost, who was a native of New York, was a graduate of West Point. Though the brigade did not fight any battles, Frost was an intelligent officer and a strict disciplinarian, and his campaign served a good purpose in instructing in the rudiments of soldiership a number of young men who afterward made brilliant reputations in the Confederate army. In point of fact, General Harney of the regular army was eventually sent to the scene of disturbance to hold the lawless Kansans in check. The incident did not amount to much, but it showed the feeling by which the Northern people were animated, and their hostility to Missouri and Missourians
Claiborne F. Jackson (search for this): chapter 1
se, 58,801 were given to the Douglas electors; 58,373 to the Bell electors; 31,317 to the Breckinridge electors; and 17,165 to the Lincoln electors. The vote, however, did not correctly represent the sentiment of the people of the State. Claiborne F. Jackson was the regular Democratic nominee for governor. He was a good man, in a personal sense, and thoroughly loyal to the institutions of the State and the South. But as a matter of policy he declared his intention early in the campaign to suappearance of being the nominee and representative of the party. The more pronounced Southern men, the Breckinridge Democrats, refused to follow his lead, and nominated Hancock Jackson for governor, with a fill electoral ticket. No doubt Claiborne F. Jackson thought he was acting for the best interests of the State and the cause to which he was strongly attached. But he was not. His precipitate movement in favor of Douglas divided Southern men and produced discord among them, when it was desi
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