hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
U. S. Grant 1,800 0 Browse Search
Nellie Grant 480 0 Browse Search
Jesse Grant 391 1 Browse Search
W. T. Sherman 384 0 Browse Search
Sam Grant 360 0 Browse Search
Stanton Grant 352 0 Browse Search
Andrew Johnson 330 0 Browse Search
Ulysses S. Grant 302 8 Browse Search
Edwin M. Stanton 299 1 Browse Search
Johnson Grant 264 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. Search the whole document.

Found 144 total hits in 31 results.

1 2 3 4
Custom house (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 38
field's inauguration, but they held frequent correspondence, not indeed by letter but by the messages they exchanged through important or intimate friends. Their political relations at this juncture were closer than ever, and Grant felt a warmer regard and a higher admiration for his former subordinate after Arthur became Vice-President than he had before supposed he could entertain. When the assassination of Garfield culminated in his death Grant met Arthur at the funeral; the whilom Custom House Collector was now the Head of the Nation, and preceded the ex-President in the procession that followed Garfield's remains. Almost immediately afterward they were traveling together by train on some occasion before Arthur had taken any step of importance in his new situation. Grant told me repeatedly that Arthur especially asked his advice and assistance in the composition of his Cabinet, and it was at Grant's suggestion that Frelinghuysen was selected as Secretary of State. General Gra
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 38
cago Convention in June is made. There are now many vacancies existing, some of which have existed for a year and over, and among them very important offices for which no nominations have yet been sent to the Senate—offices such as judges of United States Courts for the States and Territories, United States Marshals, etc., which must cause great inconvenience to the public service and the States and Territories where these vacancies exist. On the 8th of April in the same year he wrote to meUnited States Marshals, etc., which must cause great inconvenience to the public service and the States and Territories where these vacancies exist. On the 8th of April in the same year he wrote to me from Washington: The Administration has seemed to me to be a sort of ad interim one, endeavoring to offend no one and to avoid positive action which would draw criticism. Probably the Administration has fewer enemies outspoken than any preceding it. It has fewer positive hearty friends than any except Hayes's, probably. But Arthur will probably go into the Convention second in the number of supporters, when he would not probably have a single vote if it was not for his army of officials and
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 38
cy, personal or political, between them at this time. The Collector was too far off from the President for the idea to occur to either. In 1880 Arthur went to Chicago a fervent adherent of Grant, and was steadfast under Conkling's lead in the advocacy of a third term. When Garfield was nominated the Vice-Presidential place on her of us had met him since his nomination, and we went up to congratulate him. I remember that he said to Jesse: I wish you would tell your father that I went to Chicago to work for his nomination. I was a Grant man and a third term man to the last; and whatever occurred there was no compensation to me for my disappointment. He ome seemed to others abandonment of principle; and when Arthur, the third term advocate, called into his Cabinet William E. Chandler, the man who had done most at Chicago to defeat the third term, the climax was reached. Grant's disappointment at this selection was greater because he had recommended his personal friend, General Be
Fitz John Porter (search for this): chapter 38
nt's feeling. In 1883, General Grant came to the conclusion that as President, he had done Fitz John Porter a wrong in not allowing him a second trial; he accordingly set himself to studying the papers, and after careful examination became convinced that Porter was innocent of the charge of which he had been convicted. He at once determined to do whatever he could to right the wrong he thought hsted in what he had undertaken, and doubtless his efforts contributed largely to the reversal of Porter's sentence, which was finally accomplished. Then the effort was made to restore Porter to the aPorter to the army, and a bill passed both houses of Congress, authorizing the President to replace him in his former rank. Grant took the liveliest interest in this effort, writing in its favor in the public pressd oppose the measure on the same grounds as those on which he had vetoed the bill restoring Fitz John Porter. General Grant was incensed at this action on the part of the President; he said that he h
A. Garfield (search for this): chapter 38
dfast under Conkling's lead in the advocacy of a third term. When Garfield was nominated the Vice-Presidential place on the ticket was tendersignified his adherence, he accepted Arthur as willingly as he did Garfield. Neither was in any way personally objectionable to him. He at ons in complete accord with Grant and Conkling in their dispute with Garfield, and even took a more conspicuous part than Grant in the struggle,he re-election of Conkling and incurring the severest criticism of Garfield's supporters. The ex-President and the Vice-President did not meet very often in the months succeeding Garfield's inauguration, but they held frequent correspondence, not indeed by letter but by the messagesd before supposed he could entertain. When the assassination of Garfield culminated in his death Grant met Arthur at the funeral; the whiloion, and preceded the ex-President in the procession that followed Garfield's remains. Almost immediately afterward they were traveling toget
Chester A. Arthur (search for this): chapter 38
hur. Grant's first important relations with Arthur were in 1871, when he appointed the friend of Conkling Collector of the Port of New York. Arthur was retained in this position during the subsequling together by train on some occasion before Arthur had taken any step of importance in his new siad issued the commission of Collector to Chester A. Arthur, of New York. The circumstance could haurely personal. It soon became evident that Mr. Arthur did not intend, as President, to hold the sad to others abandonment of principle; and when Arthur, the third term advocate, called into his Cabiriends than any except Hayes's, probably. But Arthur will probably go into the Convention second inofficials and the vacancies he has to fill. Arthur was not nominated, and I cannot recollect thattore him to his former rank in the army; but Mr. Arthur made it known that he should oppose the measthe nomination of Grant was the closing act of Arthur's official existence; but it came too late to [23 more...]
William E. Chandler (search for this): chapter 38
nt that Mr. Arthur did not intend, as President, to hold the same relations he had once maintained, not only with Grant and Conkling, but with the wing of the party which they led. For this change the other side of course applauded him, but it was not to be supposed that the approbation could extend to those who thought themselves deserted. What was called impartiality by some seemed to others abandonment of principle; and when Arthur, the third term advocate, called into his Cabinet William E. Chandler, the man who had done most at Chicago to defeat the third term, the climax was reached. Grant's disappointment at this selection was greater because he had recommended his personal friend, General Beale, for the place. But his recommendations by this time had ceased to carry any weight with the President. As early as February 16, 1882, Grant wrote to me: To this time the President has seemed averse to making any removals, no matter how offensive the parties in place have been to
James Russell Lowell (search for this): chapter 38
that he had no desire to enter the Cabinet. The recommendation, however, was not taken, and Folger was eventually appointed Secretary of the Treasury, a selection which at the time was entirely acceptable to General Grant; although afterward Folger became so hostile as to order Grant's picture taken down from his room in the Treasury. Just here it may not be amiss to say that General Grant also recommended Mr. Astor for the position of Minister to England, but Arthur prefered to retain Mr. Lowell, who had been one of his own most caustic critics and outspoken opponents. These suggestions were all made at the instance and invitation of the President, but after a while Arthur ceased to defer to General Grant or to desire his advice. The new ruler did not refuse to listen to his predecessor, but he seldom followed Grant's counsel after the first months of his Administration. It was not unnatural that the man who had become Chief Magistrate should think himself fully capable for a
John A. Logan (search for this): chapter 38
of Grant's feeling. In 1883, General Grant came to the conclusion that as President, he had done Fitz John Porter a wrong in not allowing him a second trial; he accordingly set himself to studying the papers, and after careful examination became convinced that Porter was innocent of the charge of which he had been convicted. He at once determined to do whatever he could to right the wrong he thought he had helped to inflict. His course provoked much opposition; he risked the friendship of Logan and incurred the disapproval of many of his closest political and military associates; but he persisted in what he had undertaken, and doubtless his efforts contributed largely to the reversal of Porter's sentence, which was finally accomplished. Then the effort was made to restore Porter to the army, and a bill passed both houses of Congress, authorizing the President to replace him in his former rank. Grant took the liveliest interest in this effort, writing in its favor in the public pr
es Marshals, etc., which must cause great inconvenience to the public service and the States and Territories where these vacancies exist. On the 8th of April in the same year he wrote to me from Washington: The Administration has seemed to me to be a sort of ad interim one, endeavoring to offend no one and to avoid positive action which would draw criticism. Probably the Administration has fewer enemies outspoken than any preceding it. It has fewer positive hearty friends than any except Hayes's, probably. But Arthur will probably go into the Convention second in the number of supporters, when he would not probably have a single vote if it was not for his army of officials and the vacancies he has to fill. Arthur was not nominated, and I cannot recollect that Grant ever met him again. They had, however, one other difference which increased the bitterness of Grant's feeling. In 1883, General Grant came to the conclusion that as President, he had done Fitz John Porter a wrong
1 2 3 4