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he latter appointment instead. He replied that he was pledged to nominate a friend of Mr. Blaine for the London Consulate, but added that I might consult the Speaker, and if he was willing, I should be sent to London. Accordingly, I went to Mr. Blaine, who was quite ready to oblige General Grant through me. His friend was sent to South America, and I was appointed Consul-General at London. Of course, the courtesy was intended for the President, although it gratified and benefited me. In 1877 I accompanied General Grant in his first visit to Switzerland, and at Geneva, a son of Mr. Blaine was often in his company, and always welcome in his apartments or at his table. The young man bore civil messages from his father to General Grant, which were cordially reciprocated in my hearing. It was not until the return of Grant to this country, in 1879, that there was any ill feeling between the predestined rivals. But the especial opposition to General Grant's candidacy for a third term
st elected President, and as one of the leaders of the Republican party, he proposed the passage of a bill authorizing Grant to take a leave of absence, as General of the Army, for the term of his Presidency. During both of Grant's Administrations Mr. Blaine gave him a loyal support; he was in favor of Grant's renomination in 1872, and did not himself become an avowed aspirant for the succession until Grant had formally announced that his own name was not to be presented to the Convention in 1876. In that Convention Grant's influence was thrown for Conkling, but he had still no hostility for Blaine, and if Blaine had received the nomination, the Administration would undoubtedly have done whatever it could, legitimately, for his election. It was Bristow whom Grant especially opposed, and he and Blaine were united in this opposition; for Bristow's friends attacked Blaine as fiercely as they did Grant. While the Convention was in session, Mr. Blaine and Mr. Fish, Grant's Secretary o
amicable, up to the time when the two became rivals for the Presidential nomination in 1880. Blaine was Speaker of the House of Representatives when Gen. Grant was first elected President, and as one of the leaders of the Republican party, he proposed the passage of a bill authorizing Grant to take a leave of absence, as General of the Army, for the term of his Presidency. During both of Grant's Administrations Mr. Blaine gave him a loyal support; he was in favor of Grant's renomination in 1872, and did not himself become an avowed aspirant for the succession until Grant had formally announced that his own name was not to be presented to the Convention in 1876. In that Convention Grant's influence was thrown for Conkling, but he had still no hostility for Blaine, and if Blaine had received the nomination, the Administration would undoubtedly have done whatever it could, legitimately, for his election. It was Bristow whom Grant especially opposed, and he and Blaine were united in
October, 1883 AD (search for this): chapter 39
directing Garfield's policy. After 1880 there was no intercourse between Grant and Blaine, until the time approached when another nomination for the Presidency was to be made, and then the friends of Blaine became extremely anxious for an accommodation. But Grant was still unwilling to be propitiated. He certainly preferred Blaine to Arthur, as a candidate, but he refused to take any step, or make any public utterance in Blaine's favor, in the months preceding the nomination. In October, 1883, he wrote to me as follows: dear Badeau,—I have your letter of yesterday. I write because of your allusion to hearing a rumor that Blaine and I had formed a combination politically. You may deny the statement most peremptorily. I have not seen Blaine to speak to him since a long time before the Convention of 1880. We have had no communication in writing through other parties nor in any direct or indirect way. The Republican party cannot be saved, if it is to be saved at all, by t
eneral Grant's military career. They were acceptable to their subject, but the account of Grant's civil administration did not appear until he who was judged was beyond the influence of criticism. Blaine, however, had been a faithful supporter of Grant's Presidential policy, and his comments over the tomb of his great rival contained nothing at which that rival could himself have caviled. General Grant left a list of the names of those to whom he wished his own memoirs presented, and Mr. Blaine's name was among them. The exchange of courtesies upon the presentation of Blaine's book took place only a few months before the death of the soldier, and was the concluding incident in the intercourse of Grant and Blaine. In those last hours, when the hero declared, as he did to me on Easter Sunday, 1885, I would rather have the good — will of even those whom I have not hitherto accounted friends; when he forgave Rosecrans and Jefferson Davis—he did not include Blaine among his enemi
on politically. You may deny the statement most peremptorily. I have not seen Blaine to speak to him since a long time before the Convention of 1880. We have had no communication in writing through other parties nor in any direct or indirect way. The Republican party cannot be saved, if it is to be saved at all, by tricks and combinations of politics. I read yesterday a circumstantial account of Blaine and I spending a week together recently, when without doubt we had fixed up matters for 1884, Blaine to be President and I to be Senator from this State. The Republican party, to be saved, must have a decisive declared policy. It has now no observable policy except to peddle out patronage to sore-heads, in order to bring them back into the fold, and avoid any positive declarations upon all leading questions. This declaration was probably stronger because Grant knew that I was anxious for him to take ground in favor of Blaine. General Beale, who was an intimate friend, Senator
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