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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1.7
association with any of the other colonies, declared her separation from and independence of Great Britain. Bill of rights. On the 12th of June, 1776, she adopted and proclaimed her bill of rcution of the war of the Revolution. Not as a whole. When, by the treaty of peace with Great Britain, our independence was acknowledged, the independence of the people of the United States as avernment—Federal and State—and the allegiance of the citizen, after the treaty of peace with Great Britain acknowledging our independence. In 1787 the Constitutional Convention, as it was called—aintroduction of the first slave in 1619 and 1776, when Virginia declared her independence of Great Britain, petition after petition was addressed by her people and her Assembly, imploring the Britishpiratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted h<
Michigan (Michigan, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.7
mission which it had in hand, impressed itself more and more upon the thought and conscience of the country, other States sent forward their representatives. Then fearing that the friends of reconciliation would be dominant in the congress, this ultra element sought to secure the appointment of delegates from the States not represented, who would combat this sentiment and defeat the accomplishment of any practical results. It was in this spirit that Zachariah Chandler, then a Senator from Michigan, wrote the following letter to the Governor of that State: Washington, Feb. 11, 1861. My dear Governor. Governor Bingham and myself telegraphed you on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace, or Compromise Congress. They admit that we were right, and that they were wrong; that no Republican State should have sent delegates; but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana, Rhode Island are caving in, and there is danger of Illino
Austin Blair (search for this): chapter 1.7
ld have sent delegates; but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana, Rhode Island are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois; and now they beg us for God's sake to come to their rescue and save the Republican party from rupture, The whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and advice, and will end in thin smoke. Still, I hope as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren, that you will send the delegates. Truly your friend, Z. W. Chandler. His Excellency, Austin Blair. P. S.—Some of the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting, this Union will not, in my estimation, be worth a rush. Lee's Declaration. It may not be amiss to quote at this point from the declarations of Robert E. Lee, made in January, 1861, as the sentiment of the leading Virginian of his time. Referring to Washington, he wrote: How his spirit would be grieved, could he see the wreck of his mighty labors. I will not, howeve
Alexander H. H. Stuart (search for this): chapter 1.7
tted to quote the whole of his splendid oration. The foregoing extract, however, will suffice to show the spirit in which the dominant element of that great convention approached the consideration of the grave problem which confronted them. From the day of its opening session, on the 13th of February, down to the 17th of April, the advocates of secession and of union confronted each other in debate. Foremost among the Union men were John B. Baldwin, Robert Y. Conrad, Jubal A. Early, Alex. H. H. Stuart, George W. Summers, Williams C. Wickham, and the president, John Janney. Right to secede. Of the 152 members of the convention there were probably few who did not hold to the constitutional right of a State to retire from the Union; but, as I have said, a majority were opposed to the exercise of that right, and clung tenaciously to the hope that the alternative would never be put to Virginia—either to draw her sword to coerce the States of the Southern Confederacy, or withdraw f
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1.7
remost among the organs which had supported Mr. Lincoln, declared: If the Declaration of Independenes demonstrated that the election of either Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Breckinridge to the Presidency wouldes, and the enforcement of the laws. But Mr. Lincoln and his associate upon the ticket, Hannibal popular vote. Following the election of Mr. Lincoln, under the leadership of South Carolina andderal Government meditated no such course. Lincoln's platform. The platform of the party which elected Mr. Lincoln emphatically declared against any interference by the Federal power, with thihe States, in which it already existed; and Mr. Lincoln in his inaugural address reiterated and rea of the Federal Government to coerce them. Mr. Lincoln denied the first, and maintained the secondhad been in progress for a year and a half, Mr. Lincoln issued his proclamation, in which he declarn of the slaves become involved in the war. Mr. Lincoln only justified his proclamation as a war me[1 more...]
Hannibal Hamlin (search for this): chapter 1.7
, in 1860, the alignment of parties demonstrated that the election of either Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Breckinridge to the Presidency would be followed by a rupture, and so Virginia, with her eldest daughter, Kentucky, alone of the States of the Union except Tennessee, cast her vote for Bell and Everett, the Union candidates, standing on the platform, The Constitution of the country; the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws. But Mr. Lincoln and his associate upon the ticket, Hannibal Hamlin, were elected, and for the first time in the history of the government these high offices were to be filled by men from one section of the country, elected by the electoral votes only of States from the same geographical division, and that too despite the fact that the opposing tickets combined received a majority of over a million of the popular vote. Following the election of Mr. Lincoln, under the leadership of South Carolina and Cotton States, seven in number, withdrew from the U
Beverley B. Munford (search for this): chapter 1.7
The Vindication of the South. [from the Richmond, Va., Times, October 22, 1899.] Brilliant Address of Hon. B. B. Munford. An array of Facts—the right of secession is set forth Unmistakably. The sentiment in the North. The South not alonet the unveiling of the monument to the Confederate soldiers of Accomac and Northampton at Parksley, Friday last, Hon. Beverley B. Munford, of this city, delivered an address which excited widespread interest, and brought out facts unknown to the majority of the present generation. Mr. Munford, after an appropriate allusion to the West-Harmanson Camp of Confederate Veterans, under whose leadership the monument had been erected, proceeded to portray the heroic conduct of the Confederate soldie, the men of this sea-girt land sped to the succor of their State and to their brethren on the other shore of the bay. Mr. Munford paid a high tribute to the valor of the men in whose honor the West-Harmanson Camp was named, of the various officers
Robert Y. Conrad (search for this): chapter 1.7
glory. I would that time permitted to quote the whole of his splendid oration. The foregoing extract, however, will suffice to show the spirit in which the dominant element of that great convention approached the consideration of the grave problem which confronted them. From the day of its opening session, on the 13th of February, down to the 17th of April, the advocates of secession and of union confronted each other in debate. Foremost among the Union men were John B. Baldwin, Robert Y. Conrad, Jubal A. Early, Alex. H. H. Stuart, George W. Summers, Williams C. Wickham, and the president, John Janney. Right to secede. Of the 152 members of the convention there were probably few who did not hold to the constitutional right of a State to retire from the Union; but, as I have said, a majority were opposed to the exercise of that right, and clung tenaciously to the hope that the alternative would never be put to Virginia—either to draw her sword to coerce the States of the
Marston Moor (search for this): chapter 1.7
auses of war. Time will not permit a consideration of the causes which brought on this great conflict. They are to be gathered from remote and far distant times, as well as the epoch of the great event. Echoes of the battles of Naseby and Marston Moor; differences in the mental and religious characteristics of Puritan and Cavalier; divergent interests springing from dissimilar commercial and industrial conditions; conflicting notions as to the purposes of the Federal Government; criminationart of the heritage of our country. All that was pure and knightly—all that was magnanimous and strong—will yet be treasured as evidences of our country's glory. What Englishman to-day, while recalling the heroism displayed at Naseby and Marston Moor, stops to inquire whether his forefathers fought for Parliament or King? American manhood. The day is not far distant when upon the fields where were fought the great battles of the Civil War, monuments will be erected to commemorate the
Richard Henry Lee (search for this): chapter 1.7
passed the resolution calling upon Congress to declare that the colonies were free and independent States. It was Richard Henry Lee who submitted this brave motion, and Thomas Jefferson who penned the Declaration. It was her great son who took co Her Taylor and Scott led the triumphant forces of the Union in the war with Mexico, while a brilliant of younger sons, Lee, Jackson, Johnston and others, shed new lustre upon American arms by their personal heroism in that war. Wherever the g that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood-letting, this Union will not, in my estimation, be worth a rush. Lee's Declaration. It may not be amiss to quote at this point from the declarations of Robert E. Lee, made in January, 1861t only dedicated to the general government this imperial empire, but by the hand of her sons, Edward Carrington and Richard Henry Lee, constituting with Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, a special committee, prepared the celebrated ordinance of 1787 fo
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