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March 22nd (search for this): chapter 9
d their own assemblies; on the very morning of the massacre, they were in the houses and at the tables of those whose death they were plotting. Sooner, said they, shall the sky fall, than peace be violated on our part. At length, on the twenty-second of March, at Mar. 22 mid-day, at one and the same instant of time, the Indians fell upon an unsuspecting population, which was scattered through distant villages, extending one hundred and forty miles, on both sides of the river. The onset was sMar. 22 mid-day, at one and the same instant of time, the Indians fell upon an unsuspecting population, which was scattered through distant villages, extending one hundred and forty miles, on both sides of the river. The onset was so sudden, that the blow was not discerned till it fell. None were spared: children and women, as well as men; the missionary, who had cherished the natives with untiring gentleness; the liberal benefactors, from whom they had received daily kindnesses,—all were murdered with indiscriminate barbarity, and every aggravation of cruelty. The savages fell upon the dead bodies, as if it had been possible to commit on them a fresh murder. In one hour three hundred and forty-seven persons were cut
nd a great majority reflected the earl of Southampton. Burk, i. 257. 1623 Unable to get the control of the company by overawing their assemblies, the monarch now resolved upon the sequestration of the patent; and raised no other question, than how the unjust design could most plausibly be accomplished, and the law of England be made the successful instrument of tyranny. The allegation of grievances, set forth by the court faction in a petition to the king, was fully refuted by the com- May 7. pany, and the whole ground of discontent was answered by an explanatory declaration. In Burk, i. 316—330. Stith, 276, 277, and 291—297. Yet commis- 9 sioners were appointed to engage in a general investigation of the concerns of the corporation; the records were seized, the deputy-treasurer imprisoned, and private letters from Virginia intercepted for inspection. Stith, 298. Burk, i. 268. Rymer, XVII. 490—493. Smith was particularly examined; his honest answers plainly exposed the<
o be restored, at the public charge, to their native country, with a letter expressing the indignation of the general court at their wrongs. Colony Laws, c. XII When George Fox visited Barbadoes in 1671, he 1671. enjoined it upon the planters, that they should deal mildly and gently with their negroes; and that, after certain years of servitude, they should make them free. The idea of George Fox had been anticipated by the fellow-citizens of Gorton and Roger Williams. Nearly 1652. May 18. twenty years had then elapsed, since the representatives of Providence and Warwick, perceiving the disposition of people in the colony to buy negroes, and hold them as slaves forever, had enacted that no black mankind should, by covenant, bond, or otherwise, be held to perpetual service; the master, at the end of ten years, shall set them free, as the manner is with English servants; and that man that will not let his slave go free, or shall sell him away, to the end that he may be enslaved
ous Isabella commanded the liberation of 1500. the Indians held in bondage in her European possessions. Navarette, Coll. II. 246, 247. Yet her active benevolence extended neither to the Moors, whose valor had been punished by slavery, nor to the Africans; and even her compassion for the New World was but the transient feeling, which relieves the miserable who are in sight, not the deliberate application of a just principle. For the commissions for making discoveries, issued a few days June 5 and July 5. before and after her interference to rescue those whom Columbus had enslaved, reserved for herself and Ferdinand a fourth par Esclavos, é negros, é loros que en estos nuestros reinos sean habidos é reputados por esclavos, &c. Navarette, II. 245, and again, 11. 249. of the slaves which the new kingdoms might contain. The slavery of Indians was 1501. recognized as lawful. See a cedula on a slave contract, in Navarette, III. 514, 515, given June 20, 1501. The practice of
June 10th (search for this): chapter 9
Trade, i. 35, American edition. Clarkson, i. 33, 34, says that Charles V. lived to repent his permission of slavery, and to order emancipation. The first is probable; yet Herrera, d. II. l. II. c. XX., denounces not slavery, but the monopoly of the slave-trade. that not the Christian religion only, but nature herself, cries out against the state of slavery. And Paul III., in two separate briefs, See the brief, in Remesal, Hist. de Chiappa, l. III. c. XVI. XVII. imprecated a 1537. June 10. curse on the Europeans who should enslave Indians, or any other class of men. It even became usual for Spanish vessels, when they sailed on a voyage of discovery, to be attended by a priest, whose benevolent duty it was, to prevent the kidnapping of the aborigines. T. Southey's West Indies, i. 126. The legislation of independent America has been emphatic Walsh's Appeal, 306—342. Belknap's Correspondence with Tucker, i. Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 190—211. in denouncing the hasty avarice
yed. The tangled woods, the fastnesses of nature, were the bulwarks to which the savages retreated. Pursuit would have been vain; they could not be destroyed except as they were lulled into security, and induced to return to their old homes. In July of the following year, the inhabitants of the 1623. <*>5 Stith. 30 several settlements, in parties, under commissioned Chap V.} officers, fell upon the adjoining savages; and a law of the general assembly commanded, that in July of 1624, the aJuly of 1624, the attack should he repeated. Six years later, the 1630 colonial statute-book proves that schemes of ruthless vengeance were still meditated; for it was sternly insisted, that no peace should be concluded with the Indians—a law which remained in force till a treaty in the administration of Harvey. Burk, i. 275; II. 37. Hening, i. 123. 153. 1632 Meantime, a. change was preparing in the relations 1623 of the colony with the parent state. A corporation, whether commercial or proprietary, is,
a commanded the liberation of 1500. the Indians held in bondage in her European possessions. Navarette, Coll. II. 246, 247. Yet her active benevolence extended neither to the Moors, whose valor had been punished by slavery, nor to the Africans; and even her compassion for the New World was but the transient feeling, which relieves the miserable who are in sight, not the deliberate application of a just principle. For the commissions for making discoveries, issued a few days June 5 and July 5. before and after her interference to rescue those whom Columbus had enslaved, reserved for herself and Ferdinand a fourth par Esclavos, é negros, é loros que en estos nuestros reinos sean habidos é reputados por esclavos, &c. Navarette, II. 245, and again, 11. 249. of the slaves which the new kingdoms might contain. The slavery of Indians was 1501. recognized as lawful. See a cedula on a slave contract, in Navarette, III. 514, 515, given June 20, 1501. The practice of selling th
servants in Virginia differed from that of slaves chiefly in the duration of their bondage; and the laws of the colony favored their early enfranchisement. Hening, i. 257. But this state of labor easily admitted the introduction of perpetual servitude. The commerce of Virginia had been at first monopolized by the company; but as its management for the benefit of the corporation led to frequent dissensions, it was in 1620 laid open to free competition. Stith, 171. In the 1620 month of August of that year, just fourteen months after the first representative assembly of Virginia, four months before the Plymouth colony landed in America, and less than a year before the concession of a written constitution, more than a century after the last vestiges of hereditary slavery had disappeared from English society and the English constitution, and six years after the commons of France had petitioned for the emancipation of every serf in every fief, a Dutch manof-war entered James River, a
September 29th (search for this): chapter 9
with no support from the commons; Chalmers, 65,66. Burk, i. 291. but Sir Edwin Sandys, more intent on the welfare of Virginia than the existence of the company, was able to secure for the colonial staple complete protection against foreign tobacco, by a petition of grace, Stith, 328, refers to the nine grievances; erroneously. See Cobbett's Parl. Hist. i. 1489—1497. The commons acted by petition. Hazard, i. 193. which was followed by a royal proclamation. Hazard, i. 193—198. Sept 29 The people of England could not have given a more earnest proof of their disposition to foster the plantations in America, than by restraining all competition in their Chap. V.} 1624. own market for the benefit of the American planter. Meantime, the commissioners arrived from the colony, and made their report to the king. Hazard, i. 190, 191. Burk, i. 291, 292. They enumerated the disasters which had befallen the infant settlement; they eulogized the fertility of the soil and the sal
al investigation of the concerns of the corporation; the records were seized, the deputy-treasurer imprisoned, and private letters from Virginia intercepted for inspection. Stith, 298. Burk, i. 268. Rymer, XVII. 490—493. Smith was particularly examined; his honest answers plainly exposed the defective arrangements of previous years, and favored the cancelling of the charter as an act of benevolence to the colony. Smith, II. 103—108. The result surprised every one: the king, by an Oct. order in council, made known, that the disasters of Virginia were a consequence of the ill government of tile company; that he had resolved, by a new charter, to reserve to himself the appointment of the officers in England, a negative on appointments in Virginia Chap. V.} 1623. and the supreme control of all colonial affairs. Private interests were to be sacredly preserved; and all grants of land to be renewed and confirmed. Should the company resist the change, its patent would be recal
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