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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Israel Putnam (search for this): chapter 24
Mar. necticut, resolved never to be wanting, and advised a firm and lasting union, to be fostered by a mutual correspondence among all the true Sons of Liberty throughout the continent. Assembling at Canterbury in March, Windham county named Israel Putnam, of Pomfret, and Hugh Ledlie, of Windham, to correspond with the neighboring provinces. Delegates from the Sons of Liberty in every town of Connecticut met at Hartford; and this solemn convention of one of the most powerful colonies, a new spectacle in the political world, demonstrating the facility with which America could organize independent governments, declared for perpetuating the Union as the only security for liberty; and they named in behalf of the colony, Colonel Israel Putnam, Major John Durkee, Captain Hugh Ledlie, and five others, their committee for that purpose. A firm union of all the colonies was the watchword of Rhode Island, adopted in a convention of the county of Providence; and it was resolved to oppose
land, and to the Presbyterians to the north of the Tweed. Moffat to Stiles, 18 March, 1766. A change of ministry was more and more spoken of. The nation demanded to see Pitt in the government; and two of the ablest members of the cabinet, Grafton and Conway, continued to insist upon it. But Rockingham, who, during the repeal of the Stamp Act, had been dumb, leaving the brunt of the battle to be borne by Camden and Shelburne, was determined it should not be so; Grafton to Conway, 22 ApGrafton to Conway, 22 April, 1766. and Newcastle and Winchelsea and Egmont concurred with him. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 21 April, 1766. To be pre- chap. XXIV.} 1766. April. pared for the change, and in the hope of becoming, under the new administration, secretary for the colonies, Charles Townshend assiduously courted the Duke of Grafton. Pitt, on retiring to recruit the health which his unparalleled exertions in the winter had utterly subverted, made a farewell speech, his last in the House of Commons, wishing
Horatio Sharpe (search for this): chapter 24
of Commons, carried the bill up to the House of Lords, where Temple and Lyttelton did not suffer it to receive its first reading without debate. On Friday, the seventh of March, the declaratory bill was to have its second reading. It was moved, though no division took place, to postpone it to the bill for the repeal, for if the latter should miscarry, the former would be unnecessary; and if the latter passed, the former would be but a ridiculous farce after deep tragedy. Hammersley to Sharpe, 22 March, 1766. My lords, when I spoke last on this subject, said Camden, opposing the bill altogether, I thought I had delivered my sentiments so fully, and supported them with such reasons and such authorities, that I should be under no necessity of troubling your lordships again. But I find I have been considered as the broacher of new-fangled doctrines, contrary to the laws of this kingdom, and subversive of the rights of parliament. My lords, this is a heavy charge, but mor
capitulate with the aristocracy. Rockingham's tone, said he, is that of a minister, master of the court and the public, making openings to men who are seekers of office and candidates for ministry. I will not owe my coming into the closet to any court cabal or ministerial connection. On Monday, the twenty-fourth of February, the committee made its report to the house. Both England and America are now governed by the mob, said Grenville, continuing to oppose the repeal in every stage. Dyson hinted that internal taxes might be laid to ascertain the right. To modify the act, answered Palmerston, would be giving up the right and retaining the oppression. The motion for recommit chap. XXIV.} 1766. Feb. ment, was rejected by a vote of two hundred and forty to one hundred and thirty-three; and the bill for the repeal was ordered to be brought in. Upon this, Blackstone, the commentator on the laws of England, wished clauses to be inserted, that all American resolutions against
George Saville (search for this): chapter 24
Stamp Act had not taken place? Treasury Minute Book, XXXVII. 414. C. Lowondles to Beresfotrd, Treasury Letter look, XXIII., 296. and they were ordered to be returned to England, Treasury Minute Book, XXXVII. 214. where the curious traveller may still see bags of them, cumbering the office from which they were issued. At the same time the merchants of London wrote to entreat the merchants of America to take no offence at the declaratory act, and in letters, which Rockingham and Sir George Saville MS. draft of a letter with the corrections in my possession. corrected, the ministers signified to the dissenters in America, how agreeable the spirit of gratitude would be to the dissenters in England, and to the Presbyterians to the north of the Tweed. Moffat to Stiles, 18 March, 1766. A change of ministry was more and more spoken of. The nation demanded to see Pitt in the government; and two of the ablest members of the cabinet, Grafton and Conway, continued to insist upon
George Grenville (search for this): chapter 24
ouse. Both England and America are now governed by the mob, said Grenville, continuing to oppose the repeal in every stage. Dyson hinted thle, legislative power. The final debate on the repeal ensued. Grenville chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. and his party still combated eagerly andthe royal ermine in the blood of the Americans. No, sir, replied Grenville, with personal bitterness, not dip the royal ermine in blood, butommons, in the Rockingham ministry, sanctioned the principles of Grenville, and adopted half-way, the policy chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. of Pit a second protest, containing a vigorous defence of the policy of Grenville, and breathing in every line the sanguinary desire to enforce thef improving and extending the commerce of the whole empire. When Grenville, madly in earnest, deprecated any change in the sacred Act of Nav766. April. introducing a new tax on windows. The English, said Grenville, must now pay what the colonists should have paid; De Guerchy
John Durkee (search for this): chapter 24
omfret, and Hugh Ledlie, of Windham, to correspond with the neighboring provinces. Delegates from the Sons of Liberty in every town of Connecticut met at Hartford; and this solemn convention of one of the most powerful colonies, a new spectacle in the political world, demonstrating the facility with which America could organize independent governments, declared for perpetuating the Union as the only security for liberty; and they named in behalf of the colony, Colonel Israel Putnam, Major John Durkee, Captain Hugh Ledlie, and five others, their committee for that purpose. A firm union of all the colonies was the watchword of Rhode Island, adopted in a convention of the county of Providence; and it was resolved to oppose the Stamp Act, even if it should tend to the destruction of the union of America with Great Britain. At Boston, Otis declared, that the original equality of the species was not a mere chimera. Otis in Boston Gazette. Joseph Warren, a young man whom nature h
Joseph Warren (search for this): chapter 24
resolved to oppose the Stamp Act, even if it should tend to the destruction of the union of America with Great Britain. At Boston, Otis declared, that the original equality of the species was not a mere chimera. Otis in Boston Gazette. Joseph Warren, a young man whom nature had adorned with grace, and manly beauty, and a courage that would have been rash audacity had it not been tempered by self-control, saw clearly that the more equal division of property among the people, tended also to equalize and diffuse their influence and authority; and he uttered the new war-cry of the world—freedom AND chap. XXIV.} 1766. Mar. equality. Joseph Warren to Edmund Dana, 19 March, 1766. Death, said he, with all its tortures, is preferable to slavery. The thought of independence, said Hutchinson despondingly, has entered the heart of America. Hutchinson to Thomas Pownail, March, 1766. Virginia had kindled the flame; Virginia had now the honor, by the hand of one of her sons, to
Hugh Hammersley (search for this): chapter 24
f the House of Commons, carried the bill up to the House of Lords, where Temple and Lyttelton did not suffer it to receive its first reading without debate. On Friday, the seventh of March, the declaratory bill was to have its second reading. It was moved, though no division took place, to postpone it to the bill for the repeal, for if the latter should miscarry, the former would be unnecessary; and if the latter passed, the former would be but a ridiculous farce after deep tragedy. Hammersley to Sharpe, 22 March, 1766. My lords, when I spoke last on this subject, said Camden, opposing the bill altogether, I thought I had delivered my sentiments so fully, and supported them with such reasons and such authorities, that I should be under no necessity of troubling your lordships again. But I find I have been considered as the broacher of new-fangled doctrines, contrary to the laws of this kingdom, and subversive of the rights of parliament. My lords, this is a heavy cha
seventy-three; but adding the voices of those absent peers, who voted by proxy, the numbers were one hundred and five against seventy-one. Northington, than whom no one had been more vociferous that the Americans must submit, voted for the repeal, chap XXIV.} 1766. Mar. pleading his unwillingness to act on such a question against the House of Commons. Immediately, the protest which Lyttelton had prepared against committing the bill, was produced, and signed by thirty-three peers, with Bedford at their head. Against the total repeal of the Stamp Act, they maintained that such a strange and unheard of submission of King, Lords, and Commons to a successful insurrection of the colonies would make the authority of Great Britain contemptible; that the reason assigned for their disobeying the Stamp Act, extended to all other laws, and, if admitted, must set them absolutely free from obedience to the power of the British legislature; that any endeavor to enforce it hereafter, against t
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