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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. Search the whole document.

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Americans (search for this): chapter 18
uth of the Ohio should belong exclusively to Spain, as the only means of retaining the numerous population which would be formed between the Ohio and the lakes; that the inhabitants of these new and immense countries, be they English or be they Americans, having the outlet of the river St. Lawrence on the one side and that of the Mississippi on the other, would be in a condition to domineer over the United States and over Spain, or to make themselves independent,—that on this point there was, t was withdrawn. But I am determined, wrote the governor, as far as my influence extends, to push the matter till it is effected, being convinced that the practice is utterly inconsistent with the principles of Christianity and humanity; and in Americans, who have almost idolized liberty, peculiarly odious and disgraceful. Of the two Jerseys, slavery had struck deeper root in the East from the original policy of its proprietaries; the humane spirit of the Chap. XVII.} 1778. Society of Friend
Matthieu Dumas (search for this): chapter 18
magistrates were charged to cherish literature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them, especially the university at Cambridge, public schools, and Chap. XVII.} 1780. grammar-schools in the towns. The constitution was marked by the effort at a complete separation of the executive, legislative, and judicial powers, that it might be a government of laws and not of men. For a power without any restraint, said the convention, is tyranny. The constitution of Massachusetts, wrote Count Matthieu Dumas, one of the French officers who served in America, is perhaps the code of laws which does most honor to man. As if to leave to the world a record of the contrast between the contending systems of government for colonists, the British ministry, simultaneously with the people of Massachusetts, engaged in forming its model. The part of Massachusetts between the river Saco and the St. Croix was constituted a province, under the name of New Ireland. The system adopted for Quebec and f
Gerard (search for this): chapter 18
earnest conviction. No one could declare himself more strongly for the freedom of the negro than Gouverneur Morris of New York, a man of business and a man of pleasure. His hostility to slavery brought him into some agreement with the policy of Gerard, to whom one day in October he said that Spain would have no cause to fear the great body of the confederation, for reciprocal jealousy and separate interests would never permit its members to unite against her; that several of the most enlightenll the states, Georgia alone being absent, refused the concession by the votes of every member except Jay and Gerry. The rigid assertion of the sovereignty of each state 1780. fostered mutual jealousy. Luzerne, the French envoy who succeeded Gerard, soon came to the conclusion that the confederacy would run the risk of an early dissolution if it should give itself up to the hatred which began to show itself between the north and south. Vermont, whose laws from the first never bore with s
M. Mignet (search for this): chapter 18
the north and south went back to the old congress and showed itself in an ever re-appearing division of parties was told me nearly forty years ago by Mr. Madison. The ability to trace this antagonism in detail I owe very much to M. Guizot and M. Mignet. M. Guizot, when minister of foreign affairs in France, with that largeness of liberality which belonged to his own high position in the world of letters and his constant devotedness to the ascertainment of historic truth, opened the archives of his country for my unrestricted inspection. Full effect was given to his permission by M. Mignet, who at that time was superintendent of the French archives; and to whom I am under the greatest obligations for efficient aid in furthering my inquiries. The French archives are rich in materials for every branch of history. In one they are unique. The despatches of the French envoys at Philadelphia to their government contain the most complete reports which exist of the discussions in congre
Bowdoin (search for this): chapter 18
e next day it adjourned for more than seven weeks, that its committee might have time to transact the important business assigned them. On the thirteenth of September, the committee assembled at the new court-house in Boston. Among them were Bowdoin, who was president of the convention; Samuel Adams; John Lowell; Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should prevail without limitation as to color; Parsons, a young lawyer of the great in the governor than John Adams. To him also more than to any other may be ascribed the complete separation of both branches from appointments to office. The provisions for the total abolition of slavery mark the influence of John Lowell. To Bowdoin was due the form of some of its most admired sections. On the afternoon of the twenty-eighth of October, the committee appointed to prepare a form of government reported a draft of a constitution; and on the next day the convention adopted th
Samuel Adams (search for this): chapter 18
pensable to their safety, and therefore to be secured at the pacification with England. The leader in this policy was Samuel Adams, whom the French minister always found in his way. The question of recruiting the army by the enlistment of black m on the fisheries, and when pathetic appeals, not unmingled with menaces, had been used prodigally and without effect, Samuel Adams said rashly, that it would become more and more necessary for the two empires to separate. On the other hand, when th four to twenty-one. So Pennsylvania led the way towards introducing freedom for all. Our bill, wrote George Bryan to Samuel Adams, astonishes and pleases the Quakers. They looked for no such benevolent issue of our new government, exercised by pree committee assembled at the new court-house in Boston. Among them were Bowdoin, who was president of the convention; Samuel Adams; John Lowell; Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should p
Parsons (search for this): chapter 18
set of the sixth of September. The next day it adjourned for more than seven weeks, that its committee might have time to transact the important business assigned them. On the thirteenth of September, the committee assembled at the new court-house in Boston. Among them were Bowdoin, who was president of the convention; Samuel Adams; John Lowell; Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport, who thought that the liberty which America achieved for itself should prevail without limitation as to color; Parsons, a young lawyer of the greatest promise, from Newburyport; Chap. XVII.} 1779. and Strong of Northampton. John Adams had arrived opportunely from France, to which he did not return till November; and was so far the principal agent in writing out the first draft of the constitution, that it was reputed to be his work. There are no means of distributing its parts to their several authors with certainty. No one was more determined for two branches of the legislature with a veto in the gove
Madison (search for this): chapter 18
ctions fastened 1778. the attention of reflecting observers. That this antagonism between the north and south went back to the old congress and showed itself in an ever re-appearing division of parties was told me nearly forty years ago by Mr. Madison. The ability to trace this antagonism in detail I owe very much to M. Guizot and M. Mignet. M. Guizot, when minister of foreign affairs in France, with that largeness of liberality which belonged to his own high position in the world of letteitizens of Virginia, declared the natural right of expatriation in opposition to the English assertion of perpetual allegiance, and favored naturalization; but it confined alike the right of expatriation and citizenship to white men. In 1780, Madison expressed the wish that black 1780. men might be set free and then made to serve in the army. And this was often done by individuals. Before the end of the same year, Virginia offered a bounty not of money and lands only, but of a negro to ea
England Edmund Burke (search for this): chapter 18
he victims of commercial avarice, and strengthened the ties of selfishness by the pride of race. Yet at that time the United States, as a nation, wished treaties of the most perfect friendship and commerce with the emperor of Morocco. In England Edmund Burke seemed to be singled out to lead an impassioned warfare against negro slavery; and in 1780 he tasked Chap. XVII.} 1780. himself to find out what laws could check the new form of servitude which wrapt all quarters of the globe in its bale consumer in the end is always the dupe of his own tyranny and injustice; yet he suggested nothing more for slave plantations than some supervision by the state, and some mitigation of the power of the master to divide families by partial sales. Burke for himself inclined to a gradual emancipation; yet his code for the negroes was founded on the conviction that slavery was an incurable evil. Overborne by the opinion of those around him, he sought only to make it as small an evil as possible,
William Livingston (search for this): chapter 18
cut before it is ripe; the grain has shrunk; and he lamented the want of a clause against the continuance of domestic slavery. Still the declaration of independence was incorporated into the constitution of New York; and all its great statesmen were abolitionists. It has already been narrated that, in 1777, the 1777. people of Vermont, in separating themselves formally and finally from the jurisdiction of New York, framed a constitution which prohibited slavery. In July, 1778, William Livingston, the governor of 1778. New Jersey, invited the assembly to lay the foundation for the manumission of the negroes. At the request of the house, which thought the situation too critical for the immediate discussion of the measure, the message was withdrawn. But I am determined, wrote the governor, as far as my influence extends, to push the matter till it is effected, being convinced that the practice is utterly inconsistent with the principles of Christianity and humanity; and in Ame
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