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Abraham Lincoln (search for this): article 1
ed the movement, as another effort to fire the Southern heart. The course of events thus far had been as the harpoon driven into the vitals of the whale, and it was natural that the blood should spout and the waters be discolored; but if the Union men stood firm, the whale would soon show the white of his belly. [Laughter.] He did not want to go home and tell his constituents that he got so frightened that he had to send men right off to Washington as hard as they could rip, to see what Mr. Lincoln was going to do. He opposed secession, opposed coercion, and believed that the course of Virginia, thus far, had stayed the hand of civil war. Mr. Tredway, of Pittsylvania, was not among those referred to by the gentleman who had just taken his seat. He had come here with a view to make every honorable effort to adjust the difficulties, on condition that a policy of peace was to be preserved. Unusual events were now transpiring, and it was the duty of Virginia to make a respectful
Waller R. Staples (search for this): article 1
ll and frank response to the interrogatories. But whether he did or not, Mr. S. was in favor of the application, with a view to the government of his own action as a member of this body. He was free to say that the moment it was disclosed to him that the President intended to pursue an aggressive policy towards the seceded States, he would go for an ordinance of secession. [Suppressed applause.] The President.--The lobbies will be cleared the moment that applause is repeated. Mr. Staples.--The applause came from the floor. The President.--From the lobbies and floor both. Mr. Scott went on to declare his belief that the President contemplated a peace policy.--He did not think the resolutions were at all disrespectful; he would even be willing to make use of stronger language — to let the President know that upon his response depended the action of this Convention. Mr. Randolph, of Richmond City, argued that we had a right to know whether the military expedit
Virginians (search for this): article 1
of her most gallant sons were among those forces. She had therefore a right to make a respectful demand upon the President for this information. We know that there are numerous natives of Virginia in all branches of the service, and they are now ordered, without the means of getting off, upon an expedition which might have for its object the subjugation of the Southern States. He hoped the committee would not only request a plain declaration of the President's policy, but also that all Virginians might be relieved from service against any Southern State during the pendency of efforts at adjustment. Mr. Wise favored the proposition; he contended that the country ought not to be kept in this state of suspense. He concurred in every sentiment expressed by the gentleman from Fauquier, (Mr. Scott,) but the question arises what is to be considered aggressive policy? He asked, why would the President evacuate Fort Sumter, for instance, and occupy the Tortugas and Fort Pickens? If
an adjournment until the suspense now hanging like a dark cloud over the country, was relieved in one way or another. Should it be the policy to hold and reinforce the forts, and coerce the seceded States, he (Mr. T.) would not hesitate to declare his opinion that Virginia ought to take her place in the Southern Confederacy. If he declined to make any answer, and gave a good reason therefore, the Convention must judge of it. At all events, he could see no harm in making the inquiry. Mr. Branch, of Petersburg, favored the ob- ect of the proposition. He thought the better plan would be to frame a proposition upon which the whole Convention could unite.--He thought the action of the Convention thus far had been wise and proper, (he was not speaking now under instructions, but upon his own ground,) and personally he agreed with the course of proceedings. Recent events; however, called for some decisive and united action, and he hoped the Convention would vote down the call f
d resolution, but opposed their adoption in their present form, as calculated to do harm. He read a proposition which he intended to submit as a substitute for the pending question, which he thought would meet the object in view. Having asked Mr. Tyler, as one who had filled the chief executive chair, to give his opinion of the manner of the reception by the President of such a communication. Mr. Tyler explained the course proper to be pursued in such matters, and said that in ordinary aMr. Tyler explained the course proper to be pursued in such matters, and said that in ordinary affairs the President was shielded from making public any information that was necessary to be kept secret; but in this emergency he thought the public good required a full and unreserved disclosure, and if the request was respectfully made, a respectful answer would be returned. He had no idea, however, of dictating to the President of the United States the policy that he ought to pursue. Mr. Conrad, of Frederick, intended to vote for the resolutions in some form. He did not believe that
William Ballard Preston (search for this): article 1
nsideration of the following preamble and resolution, offered on Saturday by Mr. Preston: Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevquier, heartily concurred in the object which the gentleman from Montgomery (Mr. Preston) had in view. He could not believe that the President would hesitate, if apainst the measure on the supposition that anything unfair was intended. Mr. Preston desired to bring the question back from the discussion debate, to the real ohad here, after the vote of Thursday, harmony would have been restored. Mr. Preston.--Then I understand the gentleman to disclaim any purpose to connect the pree movement alluded to at Washington. Mr. Carlile.--Certainly, sir. Mr. Preston then went on to speak of the responsibility that rested upon himself and thot during the ensuing summer, the game was up, and we might as well go home. Mr. Preston briefly urged the adoption of the resolutions, and gave reasons why the requ
George W. Randolph (search for this): article 1
President.--The lobbies will be cleared the moment that applause is repeated. Mr. Staples.--The applause came from the floor. The President.--From the lobbies and floor both. Mr. Scott went on to declare his belief that the President contemplated a peace policy.--He did not think the resolutions were at all disrespectful; he would even be willing to make use of stronger language — to let the President know that upon his response depended the action of this Convention. Mr. Randolph, of Richmond City, argued that we had a right to know whether the military expedition, now fitting out at New York, was intended to operate against the Spaniards or against the seceded States. Virginia treasure contributed to the support of the Federal forces, and some of her most gallant sons were among those forces. She had therefore a right to make a respectful demand upon the President for this information. We know that there are numerous natives of Virginia in all branches of the
at in the meal tub. The purpose of the resolutions was not to bring about an Ordinance of Secession. He was ready to vote for anything that the honor of Virginia demanded, at the proper time, as much as he should deprecate the necessity. Mr. Baldwin, of Augusta, said that in offering the amendment which was accepted by the gentleman from Montgomery, he did not regard himself as committed to any particular plan. He was struck with the course of argument pursued this morning. If it was into the preamble and the resolution. Mr. Wise, by the courtesy of the Convention, went on to explain his proposed amendment, urging such action as would place Virginia in possession of information to guide her movements in the future. Mr. Baldwin objected to the latitude of the gentleman's remarks, for if it were permitted, others were entitled to an opportunity for reply. Mr. Wise said he would suspend his remarks until the general merits of the question were discussed, when he w
n these words': "All Southern men, and many others in Washington, consider war imminent. The only question is where the blow shall fall." Mr. Carlile replied, relieving himself from any charge that he had a special purpose to conceal any portion of the dispatch. He did not believe there was any truth in it. Brief speeches were made by Messrs. Baylor of Augusta, and Hall of Wetzel--Mr. Montague having meantime raised a point of order as to the debate now going on, which the Chair overruled. Mr. Carter, of Loudoun, said he was authorized to state that there was no truth in the report recently alluded to here, of a correspondence between the Governor of this Commonwealth and the President. He then moved an adjournment, but withdrew it at the request of Mr. Macfarland, who desired to make a correction of the journal. The motion to adjourn was renewed by Mr. Macfarland, and voted down. On motion of Mr. Morton, the Convention took a recess till 5 o'clock, P. M.
inished business. Mr. Speed, of Campbell, offered a resolution to suspend the order for going into Committee of the Whole at half-past 10 o'clock, for this day, with a view to dispose of the unfinished business of Saturday last. Mr. Jackson, of Wood, moved to lay the resolution upon the table, and on that motion demand the yeas and nays. Mr. Scott, of Powhatan, raised a point of order in regard to the reception of Mr. Speed's resolution, which was overruled by the Chair. Mr. Wilson of Harrison, asked the gentleman from Wood to withdraw his motion, in order that he might offer an amendment which he thought would be acceptable to all. Mr. Jackson declined to withdraw his motion; he preferred to look straight ahead. The roll was called, and the Convention refused to lay the resolution upon the table — yeas 64, nays 64--a tie vote. The question recurring on the adoption of the resolution, the vote was taken, and resulted --yeas 67, nays 64. So the Con
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