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March 20th (search for this): article 4
Mr. Russell's letters to theLondon Times. Mr. Russell's first letter on the American crisis was dated at Washington, March 20th. We make an extract for the purpose of showing his "early impressions:" It is difficult for one who has arrived so recently in this country, and who has been subjected to such a variety of statements, to come to any very definite conclusion in reference to the great questions which agitate it. But as far as I can I shall form my opinions from what I see, and not from what I hear; and as I shall proceed South in a few days, there is a probability of my being able to ascertain what is the real state of affairs in that direction. As far as I can judge — my conclusion, let it be understood, being drawn from the prevailing opinions of others--"the South will never go back into the Union." On the same day I heard a gentleman of position among the Southern party say, "No concession, no compromise, nothing that can be done or suggested, shall induce us to
May, 4 AD (search for this): article 4
considerations which can be urged against her resolves are as nothing in the way of her passionate will, and the world may soon see under its eyes the conflict of two Republics founded on the same principles, but subjected to influences that produce repulsion as great as exists in two bodies charged with the same electricity. If ever the explosion come, it will be tremendous in its results, and distant Europe must feel the shock." Mr. Russell's Second letter. Was written on the 5th of April, while he was yet sojourning at Washington. The fact that these letters may have considerable influence in giving direction to British sentiment, induces us to give place to the subjoined extract. It must be borne in mind that events of a stupendous nature have occurred since it was written, and for the purpose of informing himself correctly on the points at issue, Mr. Russell is now at the South: Without the means of enforcing an authority which many of its own adherents, and most
hat nothing can stop the progress of a movement which will, they fondly think, absorb all the other States of the Union, and leave the New England States to form an insignificant Republic of its own, with a possible larger destiny in Canada. Their opponents in the North are fully satisfied that the direst Nemesis will fall on the Montgomery Government in the utter ruin of all their States the moment they are left to themselves. The Government is elated at the success of the loan, and Mr. Chase has taken high ground in refusing offers made to him yesterday, and in resolving to issue Government securities for the balance of the amount required to complete the amount. Mr. Forsyth, one of the Southern Commissioners, who has just returned from New York here, is equally satisfied with the temper of parties in that city, and seems to think that the New Yorkers are preparing for a secession. But, though States may be sovereign, it has never been asserted that cities or portions of Sta
ance. But most impartial people, at least in New York, are of the opinion that the South has shaken the dust off her feet, and will never enter the portals of the Union again. She is confident in her own destiny. She feels strong enough to stand alone. She believes her mission is one of extension and conquest — her leaders are men of singular political ability and undaunted resolution. She has but to stretch forth her hand, as she believes, and the Gulf becomes an American lake closed by Cuba. The reality of these visions the South is ready to test, and she would not now forego the trial, which may, indeed, be the work of years, but which she will certainly make. All the considerations which can be urged against her resolves are as nothing in the way of her passionate will, and the world may soon see under its eyes the conflict of two Republics founded on the same principles, but subjected to influences that produce repulsion as great as exists in two bodies charged with the sam
Jefferson Davis (search for this): article 4
eld. They are claimed as Federal fortresses. The Stars and Stripes still float over them. Whatever may be said to the contrary, they will remain there till they are removed by the action of the Confederated States. The Commissioners of Mr. Jefferson Davis's Government "have reason to say that if any attempt be made to throw reinforcements into Fort Pickens, unless they receive previous notice of it as promised, it will be a breach of good faith." From all I can learn no intention of strengthe Government would be forced to use in its own service. Such an event must lead to war — a very terrible and merciless war; and both parties pause before they resort to that court of arms. Unless the Border States join in the South, Mr. Jefferson Davis could scarcely hope to carry out the grand projects which are attributed to his military genius of marching northwards and dictating terms on their own soil to Republicans. He could scarcely venture to leave the negro population unguarded
of its own, with a possible larger destiny in Canada. Their opponents in the North are fully satisfied that the direst Nemesis will fall on the Montgomery Government in the utter ruin of all their States the moment they are left to themselves. The Government is elated at the success of the loan, and Mr. Chase has taken high ground in refusing offers made to him yesterday, and in resolving to issue Government securities for the balance of the amount required to complete the amount. Mr. Forsyth, one of the Southern Commissioners, who has just returned from New York here, is equally satisfied with the temper of parties in that city, and seems to think that the New Yorkers are preparing for a secession. But, though States may be sovereign, it has never been asserted that cities or portions of States are so, and in the Western and Northern portions of the State of New York there is a large agricultural population, which, with the aid of Government, would very speedily suppress any
nd in the Western and Northern portions of the State of New York there is a large agricultural population, which, with the aid of Government, would very speedily suppress any attempt to secede on the part of the city, if men are to be believed who say they know the circumstances of the case. Virginia is claimed by both sides, but accounts this morning are to the effect that the secessionists have been defeated on a division, by a vote of two to one, in favor of the Union; and, although General Houston appears to be forced to accept the situation for a time, there are many who think he will organize a strong reaction against the dominant secessionists. Whatever may be the result of all these diverse actions, the Great Republic is gone! The shape of the fragments is not yet determined any more than their late. They may re-unite, but the cohesion can never be perfect. The ship of the State was built of too many "platforms; " there were too many officers on board; perhaps the pri
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): article 4
r. Russell is now at the South: Without the means of enforcing an authority which many of its own adherents, and most of the neutral parties, denied to it, Mr. Lincoln's Administration finds itself called upon to propound a policy and to proceed to vigorous action. The demand is scarcely reasonable. The policy of such men sury act it will surrender nothing whatever.--No matter what reports may appear in the papers, or in letters, distrust them if they would lead you to believe that Mr. Lincoln is preparing either to abandon what he has now, or to recover that which he has not. The United States Government is in an attitude of protest; it cannot sons. But their existence indicates the strong military tendencies of the people, and the danger of doing anything that might turn them against the Government.--Mr. Lincoln has no power to make war against the South; the Congress alone could give it to him; and that is not likely to be given, because Congress will not be assembled
G. N. Lincoln (search for this): article 4
re to leave the negro population unguarded in his rear, and his flanks menaced by the seaborn Northerners on one side, and by such operations as the water-sheds significantly indicate on the other. It is idle to speculate on the incidents of that which may never occur, and which, occurring, may assume the insignificant aspect of border skirmishes, or the tremendous proportions of a war of races and creeds intensified by the worst elements of servile and civil conflict. The Government of Mr. Lincoln hope and believe that the contest may be averted. The Commissioners of the South are inclined to think, also, there will be a peaceful solution — obtained, of course, by full concession and recognition. But inaction cannot last on the part of the South. Already they have begun the system of coercion. --The supplies of the garrison at Sumter will be cut off henceforth, if they are not already forbidden. They do not fear the moral effect of this act, for some of their leading men actual
Mr. Russell's letters to theLondon Times. Mr. Russell's first letter on the American crisis was dated at Washington, March 20th. We make an extract for the purpose of showing his "early impressions:" It is difficult for one who has arriveMr. Russell's first letter on the American crisis was dated at Washington, March 20th. We make an extract for the purpose of showing his "early impressions:" It is difficult for one who has arrived so recently in this country, and who has been subjected to such a variety of statements, to come to any very definite conclusion in reference to the great questions which agitate it. But as far as I can I shall form my opinions from what I see, anicity. If ever the explosion come, it will be tremendous in its results, and distant Europe must feel the shock." Mr. Russell's Second letter. Was written on the 5th of April, while he was yet sojourning at Washington. The fact that these nature have occurred since it was written, and for the purpose of informing himself correctly on the points at issue, Mr. Russell is now at the South: Without the means of enforcing an authority which many of its own adherents, and most of the
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