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rned to suppose that any war exists in the United States.
Certainly there cannot be two belligerenen, one political Power, namely — the United States of America--competent to make war and peace, anditself, but it certainly cannot expect the United States to accept its decision upon a question vital to their national existence.
The United States will not refine upon the question when and hs, neutrals, friends, or even allies.--The United States will maintain and defend their sovereignty long and so happily subsisted between the United States and France.
The paper, as understood,that France expects as a neutral, from the United States, as a belligerent, are even less than thisent case.
We hold all the citizens of the United States, loyal or disloyal, alike included by the fference between the two governments.
The United States will hope that France will not think it neicate to us. But, however this may be, the United States will not anticipate any occasion for a cha
nderstood, while implying a disposition on the part of France to accord belligerent rights to their Sargents, does not name, specify or even indicate one such belligerent right.
On the other hand, the rights which it asserts that France expects as a neutral, from the United States, as a belligerent, are even less than this Government, on the 25th of April, instructed you to concede and guarantee to her by treaty, as a friend.
On that day we offered to her our adhesion to the declaration of Paris, which contains four propositions — namely: 1.
That privateering shall be abolished.
2. That a neutral flag covers enemy's goods not contraband of war. 3.
That goods of a neutral, not contraband, shall not be confiscated, though found in an enemy's vessel.
4. That blockades, in order to be lawful, must be maintained by competent force.
We have always, when at war, conceded the three last of these rights to neutrals a fortiori, we could not when at peace deny them to friendly nations.