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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: February 28, 1863., [Electronic resource].

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John Quincy Adams (search for this): article 1
om the lakes to the gulf, and from ocean to ocean, the emblem of a united, happy prosperous, and great people. John Quincy Adams on Coercion. But, sir, I have digressed. I call attention to the utterances of Mr. Adams in reference to theseMr. Adams in reference to these questions, that we may see whether those who now entertain the opinions he did are properly to be charged with being actuated by a different sentiment from that by which he was actuated. I presume it will not be denied that Mr. Adams uttered the wMr. Adams uttered the words which I am about to read I have not the address in pamphlet form, but I have it from a newspaper professing to give the time and place, and the persons who were present on the occasion. The extract which I shall read is contained in an address before the Historical Society of New York, delivered in the city of New York on the 30th of April, 1839. Mr. Adams argued in the address that no State had a right to nullify an act of Congress, that no State had a right to secedes from the Union.
John Brown (search for this): article 1
e, representative in character, and limited in its powers, legislative as well as executive and judicial, by the delegation of authority expressed in the Federal Constitution ? The note delivery of fugitives from service and labor, the raid of John Brown into Virginia, the election of Abraham-Lincoln as President, none of these were the cause, in my opinion, of this revolution; but it was the assertion of the power and duty of Congress, and of the people of the free States, to abolish slavery, through which we now pass, will light "their author down in dishonor to the remotest generation." Let him not lay the flattering unction to his soul that he will, on account of either "personal insignificance or significance," escape history. John Brown may be forgotten, but the memory of Abraham Lincoln will never die. This proclamation further declares that the slaves of suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, a
William H. Seward (search for this): article 1
f the American people, they sought to prevent all remonstrance against whatever means they chose to adopt to accomplish their purpose, by governing a free people by appeals to their fears. Mobs became their instruments of vengeance, and where these could not conveniently be invoked, executive tyranny laid its lawless hand upon the unoffending but suspected victim, and forts and bastilles opened, and closed their ponderous doors upon him.--Was not Abraham Lincoln President, and was not William H. Seward his prime minister, and who dared say aught against their infallibility ? The espionage of Napoleon sank into insignificance as an agency of oppression in comparison with that practiced under the administration of Abraham Lincoln. Men conversed in whispers; even woman dare not speak above her breath. A deadly tremor seized upon all classes, except those who, themselves being spies and informers, were conscious of reposing under the shadow of executive protection. Finally, the la
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): article 1
Lincoln's Usurpations.speech of Mr. Saulsbury,of Delaware, in the United States Senate, Jan. 8th, 1863. [From the New York raid of John Brown into Virginia, the election of Abraham-Lincoln as President, none of these were the cause, in my opinion,he purpose to abolish, that led to this revolution. Mr. Lincoln's indifference to it. It must have been apparent to the act of Congress, but by the act of Beauregard and Abraham Lincoln. Better, far better for this country, had neither of arison with that practiced under the administration of Abraham Lincoln. Men conversed in whispers; even woman dare not sly suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, Abraham Lincoln, elected to be President of the United States, but by dern slave- freeing patriot hear what a wiser man than Abraham Lincoln has said on this subject? Would some modern patriot wstory. John Brown may be forgotten, but the memory of Abraham Lincoln will never die. This proclamation further declares tha
House (search for this): article 1
w York Caucasian.] Mr. Saulsbury.--Mr. President, when the injustice and intolerance of the British ministry were forcing an issue between the parent country and the colonies in reference to the power of Parliament to impose taxes upon the latter without their consent, the remonstrances of the ablest English statesmen were treated by the advocates of power as the utterances of sedition. It was then that the noble Chatham thus spoke: "Sorry I am to hear the liberty of speech in this House imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not discourage me. It in a liberty I mean to exercise. No gentleman ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited." It has been frequently said upon this floor since the commencement of this unnatural war, that we are making history. Sir, we are but repeating it. Repeating its follies, its madness, its wickedness, instead of avoiding them, being instructed by its examples.
Napoleon (search for this): article 1
t to accomplish their purpose, by governing a free people by appeals to their fears. Mobs became their instruments of vengeance, and where these could not conveniently be invoked, executive tyranny laid its lawless hand upon the unoffending but suspected victim, and forts and bastilles opened, and closed their ponderous doors upon him.--Was not Abraham Lincoln President, and was not William H. Seward his prime minister, and who dared say aught against their infallibility ? The espionage of Napoleon sank into insignificance as an agency of oppression in comparison with that practiced under the administration of Abraham Lincoln. Men conversed in whispers; even woman dare not speak above her breath. A deadly tremor seized upon all classes, except those who, themselves being spies and informers, were conscious of reposing under the shadow of executive protection. Finally, the law and constitution were appealed to for protection against executive tyranny. That Constitution, which w
September 29th (search for this): article 1
d had been the birthright of every Englishman since. It was the birthright of the framers of the Federal Constitution, and they inserted it in that instrument, that no power should ever deprive their children of it. The proclamation of September 29th. Mr. President, not with standing that Congress-alone can rightfully suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, Abraham Lincoln, elected to be President of the United States, but by his acts assuming to be tyrant over the liberties and lives of his country man, has had the audacity before man, and the temerity before Heaven, to suspend, by his proclamation of the 29th of September last, the privilege of this writ, not only in the States in revolt, but throughout the whole United States; to seize peaceable citizens in nine other States, and to "bastle" them in the "remotest part of the Union, " and "hear, oh ye heavens, and give ear, oh, ye earth," the patient and long suffering people of the country have namely s
Beauregard (search for this): article 1
affairs than to see whether a pretext for a war cannot be had by tempting the seceders to strike the first blow. It is struck, and immediately the cry rings throughout the land that the rebels have fired upon the national flag, that Sumter has fallen, and that the rebellion must be crushed out.--Seventy-five thousand volunteers are called into the field, soon to be followed by half a million more, and "On to Richmond !" is the cry. War exists not by the act of Congress, but by the act of Beauregard and Abraham Lincoln. Better, far better for this country, had neither of them ever been born. The war could have been averted. Mr. President, this war was either necessary or it was unnecessary. If necessary, it was only so for the purpose of preserving national existence and the constitutional rights of the people. If indispensable for these purposes, it was justifiable. If not so indispensable, it was a crime. Was it necessary ?--Could not the Union have been preserved and
Aristides (search for this): article 1
revolutions, always bring to the surface of society a class of wide in their own conceits, but really too ignorant and too debased to be instructed by the lessons of history. Thrown by revolutionary force into unnatural positions, and true to their native instructs, they crawl around the feet of a temporary power, and seek their own greatness in the detraction of those who would have wisdom in counsel and moderation in action. Such men glory in nothing so much as in writing the name of Aristides on the shell. In his annual Message, transmitted to Congress on the first day of the session, the President thus speaks: "We, of this Congress and this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest generation." A moment's lunacy after eighteen months of madness! A flash of reason at the conclusion
January 8th, 1863 AD (search for this): article 1
Lincoln's Usurpations.speech of Mr. Saulsbury,of Delaware, in the United States Senate, Jan. 8th, 1863. [From the New York Caucasian.] Mr. Saulsbury.--Mr. President, when the injustice and intolerance of the British ministry were forcing an issue between the parent country and the colonies in reference to the power of Parliament to impose taxes upon the latter without their consent, the remonstrances of the ablest English statesmen were treated by the advocates of power as the utterances of sedition. It was then that the noble Chatham thus spoke: "Sorry I am to hear the liberty of speech in this House imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not discourage me. It in a liberty I mean to exercise. No gentleman ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited." It has been frequently said upon this floor since the commencement of this unnatural war, that we are making history. Sir, we are but repeatin
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