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Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): article 11
on on the North American station as quite unfounded. The New York correspondent of the Times, writing on June 26, says there has been a great revulsion of sentiment among all classes. The object of Gen. Lee in his advance in Maryland and Pennsylvania is admitted by nearly every one except a few philosophical opinionists and Government contractors to be nothing less than the capture of Washington Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet, as well as General Hooker, share this opinion. There is a very wi all but inelegant prayer for place. In every part of the country the war seen's to have subsided. New England, which of 900,000 volunteers which she would send to support the policy of Emancipation, has not sent a man to the relief of Pennsylvania. The Northwest organizes all their young men in societies to resist aid to the war which the common sense of the majority has long since ceased to approve. Such is the nation while Lee is thundering at the place of the Capital and in the p
Maryland (Maryland, United States) (search for this): article 11
expect, an angry belligerent to be generous as well as just. " The proceedings in Parliament on the 7th inst. were quite unimportant. Lord Clarence Pagot, in a letter to the Times, pronounces the report that he is to take the command of the British squadron on the North American station as quite unfounded. The New York correspondent of the Times, writing on June 26, says there has been a great revulsion of sentiment among all classes. The object of Gen. Lee in his advance in Maryland and Pennsylvania is admitted by nearly every one except a few philosophical opinionists and Government contractors to be nothing less than the capture of Washington Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet, as well as General Hooker, share this opinion. There is a very widespread and earnest wish that Lee may be successful. The belief that the present Administration is incompetent to conduct the war, that it cannot conquer the South, that the South will indubitably receive its independence, and that i
United States (United States) (search for this): article 11
writes to Lord Lyons requesting him to inform Mr. Seward that Her Majesty's Government have heard with regret the answer which he has returned on behalf of the United States, and still hope she will reconsider the matter. "The circumstances of the case." he says, "present no clear an instance of unmistakable and the ground allegedt London for the recognition of the Southern States, as in their opinion, this recognition would not put an end to the struggle which overwhelms with blood the United States. The Emperor expressed to them his desire to see peace established in those Territories; but observed to them that the proposition of mediation, addressed to Lenergy against any project of intervention, which adjourns possibly for a long time the hope conceived by the Cabinet of the to make its policy prevail in the United States by means of a common action. La France says: The note of the does not limit itself to clearing up a misunderstanding. It expresses an idea which
France (France) (search for this): article 11
to them that the proposition of mediation, addressed to London in the month of October not having been agreed to by England, he did not think in his duty to make a new one before he was sure of its acceptance; that nevertheless the Ambassador of France of would receive instructions to sound the intentions of Lord Palmerston upon this point, and to give him to understand that if the English believed that the recognition of the South would put an end to the war the Emperor would be disposed to La France says: The note of the does not limit itself to clearing up a misunderstanding. It expresses an idea which is placed in words for the first time, in a formal manner, in an official journal. It is, that if the propositions of France are resumed they will have for their certain object the recognition of the South. Six months ago this recognition only presented itself as an eventual result of meditation, now, in the idea of the French Government, it is no longer the of hosti
New England (United States) (search for this): article 11
the newspaper editors. It is openly expressed in the ferry boats it is discussed in hotel lobbies and reading rooms; it is the staple topic of conversation, and appears to be so deeply and so universally diffused as to have hushed the trumpeters of war, and welded the conflicting passions, interests, and convictions of a great people into the homogeneity of one weary, disgusted, and all but inelegant prayer for place. In every part of the country the war seen's to have subsided. New England, which of 900,000 volunteers which she would send to support the policy of Emancipation, has not sent a man to the relief of Pennsylvania. The Northwest organizes all their young men in societies to resist aid to the war which the common sense of the majority has long since ceased to approve. Such is the nation while Lee is thundering at the place of the Capital and in the people rather approve than the Confederate chief and with that were President instead of Mr. Lincoln to settle
spondence ensued upon this, and Earl Russell requested Lord Lynch to state to Mr. Seward that Her Majesty's Government were dissatisfied with the decision, and considered that some compensation should be granted to the owners. Mr. Seward replied that if the owners were dissatisfied they might carry the case to the Court of Appeals. Earl Russell therefore writes to Lord Lyons requesting him to inform Mr. Seward that Her Majesty's Government have heard with regret the answer which he has returnat least if not also damages, is so inadequate on the face of it as to enable Mr. Seward, upon consulting the law officers of the United States Government, to grant tproceedings." This expression of opinion is duly made by Lord Lyons, and Mr. Seward, in a long reply, states that if no it would be "incumbent" on the part of thatter rests. The Terms has an editorial on the subject, and is glad that Mr. Seward's peevish letter was not replied to. It says: "While we sympathize with the l
the Emperor has not endeavored, as certain present, to influence the British Parliament by means of two of us members, and that everything was limited to frank explanations, exchanged is an interview which his Majesty bad no reason to refuse. The Presse, a paper with Federal proclivities, commenting on this says: This explanation throws the light at length upon the rumors put in circulation and upon the of contradictions which arose between Lord John Russell and Mr. Roebuck. --Baron Gros was to receive instructions to sound the intentions of Lord Palmerston. --This fact remains, and, without desiring to hazard too much in advance in the system of diplomacy, we think we may hope that in a short time the question will be put again, and arose clearly. Le Nord says: The published in the this morning confirms to and all our former information, and three days ago we were not wrong in saying that the question of the recognition of the South was seriously entertained
derstanding to which this incident has given place. Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay visited Fon for the purpose of persuading the Emperor to make an official movement at London for the recognition of the Southern States, as in their opinion, this recognition would not put an end to the struggle which overwhelms with blood the United States. The Emperor expressed to them his desire to see peace established in those Territories; but observed to them that the proposition of mediation, addressed to London in the month of October not having been agreed to by England, he did not think in his duty to make a new one before he was sure of its acceptance; that nevertheless the Ambassador of France of would receive instructions to sound the intentions of Lord Palmerston upon this point, and to give him to understand that if the English believed that the recognition of the South would put an end to the war the Emperor would be disposed to follow it in this direction. All impartial man will see by
he is to take the command of the British squadron on the North American station as quite unfounded. The New York correspondent of the Times, writing on June 26, says there has been a great revulsion of sentiment among all classes. The object of Gen. Lee in his advance in Maryland and Pennsylvania is admitted by nearly every one except a few philosophical opinionists and Government contractors to be nothing less than the capture of Washington Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet, as well as General Hooker, share this opinion. There is a very widespread and earnest wish that Lee may be successful. The belief that the present Administration is incompetent to conduct the war, that it cannot conquer the South, that the South will indubitably receive its independence, and that it is better for all parties that it should do as without further bloodshed, spread rapidly from the lower grades of the working classes upward until it has pervaded the whole mass of society except the , the , and the
John Russell (search for this): article 11
ee by this simple statement that the Emperor has not endeavored, as certain present, to influence the British Parliament by means of two of us members, and that everything was limited to frank explanations, exchanged is an interview which his Majesty bad no reason to refuse. The Presse, a paper with Federal proclivities, commenting on this says: This explanation throws the light at length upon the rumors put in circulation and upon the of contradictions which arose between Lord John Russell and Mr. Roebuck. --Baron Gros was to receive instructions to sound the intentions of Lord Palmerston. --This fact remains, and, without desiring to hazard too much in advance in the system of diplomacy, we think we may hope that in a short time the question will be put again, and arose clearly. Le Nord says: The published in the this morning confirms to and all our former information, and three days ago we were not wrong in saying that the question of the recognition of t
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