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nother column, will be read with more profound interest than any document ever issued by a public officer in this country. It is not necessary to enumerate the several points which it makes. He does not disguise the danger with which he conceives the country and the capital to be surrounded. He states the only means by which, in his opinion, it can be met and averted. If his recommendations be not attended to, he throws the responsibility on Congress, which has now been in session since November without having provided by legislation for the essential points alluded to. Whatever Congress may intend to do in the premises, we trust they will do at once. This is no time for deliberation, when the enemy are actually thundering at the gates of the capital. The moments lost in speech-making may prove of the last importance, for weal or woe, to the Confederacy. Prompt action is what is now required — prompt action, and nothing more. Congress will feel that its legislation, th
We are shocked at the cold-shoulder which Mr. Sumner gave "a respectable-looking colored gentleman, with cane in his hand, and a bundle of papers under his arm," on the day of the inauguration. This "colored gentleman" is supposed to be the new Supreme Court counsellor, who tried in vain his politeness upon a group of Abolition Senators, and, meeting with no success, advanced cordially to Mr. Sumner, who turned his back upon him and commenced talking with one of his white constituents. Sam Slick, relating a similar interview between a "colored gentleman" and a Yankee Abolitionist, says: "If there was anything the Abolitionist hated like poison, iull — nigger; so seein' him come in, in that free and easy manner, he looks up at him quite stiff; and it made me laugh, for I knew humility was the destroyer of pride. Now don't, for goodness sake, make such everlastin' pretences unless your practice keeps up to your professions." We commend the homely counsel to Sumner & Co.
endeavored to explain, of firm and unyielding faith. Never give up, never say die, hold on to the last, and when the weak-kneed begin to shiver and totter, then take a new and a stronger resolution than ever, never to think of submitting. The old Roman story of Varro and the Greek has been often told, but it deserves to be repeated here for the sake of the lesson it inculcates.--That officer, flying from the unparalleled slaughter of Cannæ, where he had left the bodies of seventy thousand Romans slain through his own rashness, was nevertheless met by the Senate in a body, dressed in their senatorial robes; and it was made known that he was thus honored, because, even in that crisis, "he did not despair of the Republic." That sagacious body of politicians, long inured to political exigencies of the most dangerous description, knew well enough the value of faith in such a crisis as that which presented itself. They knew that it covered not only a multitude of sin, but every other sin
y so on all occasions when it may be necessary to express an opinion. This is no time to look out for amiable tempers and mild manners in a delegate. Men are required of iron will and indomitable energy, but, above all, as we have endeavored to explain, of firm and unyielding faith. Never give up, never say die, hold on to the last, and when the weak-kneed begin to shiver and totter, then take a new and a stronger resolution than ever, never to think of submitting. The old Roman story of Varro and the Greek has been often told, but it deserves to be repeated here for the sake of the lesson it inculcates.--That officer, flying from the unparalleled slaughter of Cannæ, where he had left the bodies of seventy thousand Romans slain through his own rashness, was nevertheless met by the Senate in a body, dressed in their senatorial robes; and it was made known that he was thus honored, because, even in that crisis, "he did not despair of the Republic." That sagacious body of politicians
n will and indomitable energy, but, above all, as we have endeavored to explain, of firm and unyielding faith. Never give up, never say die, hold on to the last, and when the weak-kneed begin to shiver and totter, then take a new and a stronger resolution than ever, never to think of submitting. The old Roman story of Varro and the Greek has been often told, but it deserves to be repeated here for the sake of the lesson it inculcates.--That officer, flying from the unparalleled slaughter of Cannæ, where he had left the bodies of seventy thousand Romans slain through his own rashness, was nevertheless met by the Senate in a body, dressed in their senatorial robes; and it was made known that he was thus honored, because, even in that crisis, "he did not despair of the Republic." That sagacious body of politicians, long inured to political exigencies of the most dangerous description, knew well enough the value of faith in such a crisis as that which presented itself. They knew that it
nees affirmed the constitutional authority and duty of the General Government to abolish slavery in the States. --The Buffalo Convention, which nominated Van Buren for President, and C. F. Adams (present United States Minister in England) for Vice-President, proposed no interference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State, but opposed its extension into the territories, and declared that it was the settled policy of the nation to limit, localize and discourage slavery. In 1852, the "Independent Democrats," who supported John P. Hale for President, had for their motto: "No more slave States, no slave territory, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves." The National Anti-Slavery Standard of June 21, 1856, said of the then new Republican party: "It has sprung from the anti-slavery movement, and whatever of strength and hope it has, lies in the anti-slavery feeling of the Northern mind. It is vain that servile men-please
We gave yesterday a historical sketch of the rise and progress of the Abolition party in the United States, and of the anti-slavery agitation in Congress. A brief review of the platforms, adopted at various times by that party, and expressions of sentiments from its leading members, may not be without interest: The first national platform of ⅔ the Abolition party, 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and territories, the inter-State slave trade, and a general opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. In 1848, that portion of the party which did not support the Buffalo nominees affirmed the constitutional authority and duty of the General Government to abolish slavery in the States. --The Buffalo Convention, which nominated Van Buren for President, and C. F. Adams (present United States Minister in England) for Vice-President, proposed no interference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State, but opposed
olition party in the United States, and of the anti-slavery agitation in Congress. A brief review of the platforms, adopted at various times by that party, and expressions of sentiments from its leading members, may not be without interest: The first national platform of ⅔ the Abolition party, 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and territories, the inter-State slave trade, and a general opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. In 1848, that portion of the party which did not support the Buffalo nominees affirmed the constitutional authority and duty of the General Government to abolish slavery in the States. --The Buffalo Convention, which nominated Van Buren for President, and C. F. Adams (present United States Minister in England) for Vice-President, proposed no interference by Congress with slavery within the limits of any State, but opposed its extension into the territories, and declared that it was the settled policy
domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes."--Seward. "Slavery can be, and must be, abolished, and you and I can and must do it." --Seward. "In the case of the alternative being presented of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution of the Union, I am for dissolution, and I care not how quick it comes." --Judge Spaulding, of Ohio, in Republican Convention. "God forbid that for the sake of the Union we should sacrifice the very thing for which the Union was made."--Senator Sumner, 1855. "I go for a Union where all men are equal, or for no Union at all, and I go for right. "--Senator Wade, of Ohio, 1855. "I recognize no power under Heaven that can make a man a slave. Suppose New York takes that ground; what then? Some talk of revolution as if that were to be the dreaded result. Sir, I love the word."--Speaker of the New York House of Delegates on the Dred Scott case. Quotations might be multiplied indefinitely illustrating the growing power and l
ow much they may be shaken. They could not tell how it was to be done, but done it must be."--Edmund Quincy, of Massachusetts. A convention, held in Boston, 1855, adopted, by a unanimous vote, a resolution "that the one great issue before the country is the dissolution of the Union," and pledging itself to the work of annul Ohio, in Republican Convention. "God forbid that for the sake of the Union we should sacrifice the very thing for which the Union was made."--Senator Sumner, 1855. "I go for a Union where all men are equal, or for no Union at all, and I go for right. "--Senator Wade, of Ohio, 1855. "I recognize no power under Heave1855. "I recognize no power under Heaven that can make a man a slave. Suppose New York takes that ground; what then? Some talk of revolution as if that were to be the dreaded result. Sir, I love the word."--Speaker of the New York House of Delegates on the Dred Scott case. Quotations might be multiplied indefinitely illustrating the growing power and lawlessnes
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