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offers of patronage; but I do know that men in Grant's Cabinet thought and said so at the time. Sumner was especially anxious that a certain friend of his named Ashley should have a high appointment; he was always adverting to this when important measures were discussed. Why don't you do something for Ashley? was his constant Ashley? was his constant cry. Grant had some reason, I never knew what, for refusing this request; perhaps it was in part an obstinate unwillingness to be forced or persuaded into anything; he had held out so long, he would hold out to the end. For he was often, I thought, maladroit in the distribution and withholding of patronage. Regarding it as he did. In the winter or spring of 1870, one of Grant's Cabinet said to him: General, you can get St. Domingo and Sumner's support if you will give him something for Ashley; but Grant refused bluntly and almost sternly. The Cabinet officer may have been right or wrong; but I believe now that no concessions could long have retained S
Andrew Johnson (search for this): chapter 24
Chapter 24: Grant and Sumner. Sumner had hoped to be Secretary of State under Grant. His anticipations, indeed, began earlier still. It was positively arranged at the time of the impeachment of Andrew Johnson that he was to have the State Department if Wade had gone into the Presidency; and even under Lincoln there was an occasion when he expected to supplant Seward. He thought himself especially fit for the post, and if acquirement and ornate eloquence were the prime requisites for a Secretary of State he might have filled the position with a certain degree of brilliancy. But though, with Sumner's consent, his friends pressed his name for the first position in the Cabinet, Grant never for a moment entertained the idea of appointing him. There was, indeed, little congruity between the plain and almost rugged soldier, used to war and actual strife, to directing armies and planning campaigns, and the polished rhetorician, the elaborate student of phrases, the man of the clo
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 24
ary of State under Grant. His anticipations, indeed, began earlier still. It was positively arranged at the time of the impeachment of Andrew Johnson that he was to have the State Department if Wade had gone into the Presidency; and even under Lincoln there was an occasion when he expected to supplant Seward. He thought himself especially fit for the post, and if acquirement and ornate eloquence were the prime requisites for a Secretary of State he might have filled the position with a certaalmost sternly. The Cabinet officer may have been right or wrong; but I believe now that no concessions could long have retained Sumner as a friend. He wanted too much; to control absolutely; and the more that was yielded the more he claimed. Lincoln had the same trouble with him as Grant, but was more adroit. He avoided open ruptures by seeming to concede, by playing upon Sumner's vanity, by making him believe that he suggested measures which the Administration had already determined on.
Johnson Grant (search for this): chapter 24
umner had hoped to be Secretary of State under Grant. His anticipations, indeed, began earlier stigone conclusion from the close of the war that Grant should be the next President. In all ages theinto line and made a speech or two in favor of Grant during the Presidential canvass of 1868. Aftey had not been thrown together intimately, but Grant admired the steadfast position of the anti-slao that not only the simplicity and modesty of Grant were shocked by the pompous self-assertion andst. In the winter or spring of 1870, one of Grant's Cabinet said to him: General, you can get Staw the treaty, a peculiar humiliation to which Grant refused to submit. Late in the spring of 18hat the measure was lost. Twice before this Grant had told Fish that he meant to remove Motley; all. It was on the night of July 1st that General Grant desired Mr. Fish to request the resignatio deposed in the Senate in 1872. The same year Grant was re-elected by a triumphant majority. Sumn[19 more...]
ecause of Sumner's opposition to the St. Domingo scheme, and Fish replied with some severe strictures, which, however, in no way reflected on Sumner. The Senator, nevertheless, at once resented them for his friend; he refused at a dinner at General Schenck's house to speak to Mr. Fish, and afterward announced in the Senate that he had cut the Secretary of State. At that very time negotiations for the Treaty of Washington had begun. Sir John Rose had been sent out from England to prepare th of its acceptance by England. Before Mr. . Fish could reply to the note, however, the dinner occurred at which Sumner declined the acquaintance of the Secretary. Sir John Rose was present at the dinner, which, as I have said, was given by General Schenck, then recently appointed Minister to England; so that in the midst of the negotiation on so grave a question, on which he was himself officially to act, Sumner refused to associate with the principal representative and spokesman of his own G
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 24
ea of appointing him. There was, indeed, little congruity between the plain and almost rugged soldier, used to war and actual strife, to directing armies and planning campaigns, and the polished rhetorician, the elaborate student of phrases, the man of the closet, the Senate, and of society. Sumner always felt—perhaps with many others—that the career of the soldier should have closed with the war. Arma cedant togoe was always in their hearts, if not upon their lips. Chase, and Seward, and Stanton, and some of their successors, felt themselves better equipped in the arts of statesmanship than they believed any mere warrior could be, and they were undoubtedly jealous of the civic honors given to those who, they thought, should have been content with military rewards. But the people did not agree with them. It was a foregone conclusion from the close of the war that Grant should be the next President. In all ages the successful commander is the most generally popular of the aspiran
oment entertained the idea of appointing him. There was, indeed, little congruity between the plain and almost rugged soldier, used to war and actual strife, to directing armies and planning campaigns, and the polished rhetorician, the elaborate student of phrases, the man of the closet, the Senate, and of society. Sumner always felt—perhaps with many others—that the career of the soldier should have closed with the war. Arma cedant togoe was always in their hearts, if not upon their lips. Chase, and Seward, and Stanton, and some of their successors, felt themselves better equipped in the arts of statesmanship than they believed any mere warrior could be, and they were undoubtedly jealous of the civic honors given to those who, they thought, should have been content with military rewards. But the people did not agree with them. It was a foregone conclusion from the close of the war that Grant should be the next President. In all ages the successful commander is the most generall
f its author for the conduct of foreign affairs. Sumner felt the blow that was dealt him almost as keenly as the strokes of Brooks; both were delivered in the Senate Chamber. Following on the heels of his domestic troubles this later misfortune affected, not only his feeling, but his judgment and his political consistency. When the next elections came on he joined hands with those who had been, not only his enemies, but those of his country, in order if possible to overthrow Grant. This completed his political destruction. He was censured by a vote of the Massachusetts Legislature, and though the censure was revoked he never regained his influence. His health and spirits soon gave way. He was deposed in the Senate in 1872. The same year Grant was re-elected by a triumphant majority. Sumner lingered a year or two in physical and mental suffering and in 1874 he died. The physicians called the disease angina pectoris; it was rightly named, the anguish of a disappointed heart.
f its author for the conduct of foreign affairs. Sumner felt the blow that was dealt him almost as keenly as the strokes of Brooks; both were delivered in the Senate Chamber. Following on the heels of his domestic troubles this later misfortune affected, not only his feeling, but his judgment and his political consistency. When the next elections came on he joined hands with those who had been, not only his enemies, but those of his country, in order if possible to overthrow Grant. This completed his political destruction. He was censured by a vote of the Massachusetts Legislature, and though the censure was revoked he never regained his influence. His health and spirits soon gave way. He was deposed in the Senate in 1872. The same year Grant was re-elected by a triumphant majority. Sumner lingered a year or two in physical and mental suffering and in 1874 he died. The physicians called the disease angina pectoris; it was rightly named, the anguish of a disappointed heart.
s successor was sent in, and went up as usual to Sumner's desk; Sumner almost provoked a rupture then, but finally thought better of it; and things went on for awhile as before in spite of the Motley imbroglio. When the Senate re-assembled in December the new committees were formed; but though the treaty of St. Domingo had been rejected in July, principally through Sumner's efforts, no attempt was made by the Administration to procure the deposition of Sumner from his place as Chairman of thee time, for his imperious behavior had made him many enemies as well as rivals in the Senate, but not a step was taken, not a word uttered by the President or one of his Cabinet in that direction. Motley was finally and peremptorily removed in December, and in January the Senate called for the entire correspondence on the subject. In this correspondence Motley had, with very bad taste, referred to the rumor that he had been removed because of Sumner's opposition to the St. Domingo scheme, and
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