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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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J. B. Magruder (search for this): chapter 6.38
suspicion. Colonel Baldwin accordingly agreed to the mission, and went with Mr. Magruder the following night, reaching Washington the next morning by the Acquia Creek route a little after dawn, and driving direct to the house of Mr. Magruder's brother. [These gentlemen were brothers of General J. B. Magruder of Virginia]. These prefatory statements prepare the way for Colonel Baldwin's special narrative. He stated that after breakfasting and attending to his toilet at the house of Captain Magruder, he went with Mr. A. B. Magruder, in a carriage, with the glasses carefully raised, to Seward, who took charge of Mr. Baldwin, and went direct with him to the White House, reaching it, he thought, not much after nine o'clock A. M. At the door, the man who was acting as usher, or porter, was directed by Colonel Baldwin's companion, to inform the President that a gentleman wished to see him on important business. The man replied, as Colonel Baldwin thought, with an air of negligence,. th
John B. Baldwin (search for this): chapter 6.38
of losing a part by the lamented death of Colonel Baldwin. What I here attempt to do, is to give fting as usher, or porter, was directed by Colonel Baldwin's companion, to inform the President thatstate of opinion and purpose there. Upon Colonel Baldwin's portraying the sentiments which prevaile all this? turning almost fiercely upon Colonel Baldwin. He replied: Why, Mr. President, you didry, in a proclamation of five lines, said Colonel Baldwin, and we pledge ourselves that Virginia (aington. In a letter to me, he says: When Colonel Baldwin returned to Richmond, he reported to the the last four days; and the very men whom Colonel Baldwin found in conclave with him were probably cede. And above all, the policy urged by Colonel Baldwin would have disappointed the hopes of legiroclamation. The other confirmation of Colonel Baldwin's hypothesis was presented a few weeks afgle objection, both to the wise advice of Colonel Baldwin and Mr. Stuart, was: Then what would beco[35 more...]
George W. Randolph (search for this): chapter 6.38
ppoint a formal commission of three ambassadors from the Convention to Lincoln's Government, who should communicate the views of Virginia, and demand those of Mr. Lincoln. [That commission consisted of Wm. B. Preston, Alex. H. H. Stuart and Geo. W. Randolph. We will refer to its history in the sequel.] Meantime Mr. Preston, with other original Union men, were feeling thus: If our voices and votes are to be exerted farther to hold Virginia in the Union, we must know what the nature of that Unio concerning the motives of Lincoln's policy receives these two confirmations. After the return of the former to Richmond, the Convention sent the commission, which has been described, composed of Messrs. Wm. B. Preston, A. H. H. Stuart, and Geo. W. Randolph. They were to ascertain definitely what the President's policy was to be. They endeavored to reach Washington in the early part of the week in which Fort Sumter was bombarded, but were delayed by storms and high water, so that they only rea
April, 1861 AD (search for this): chapter 6.38
n history as an illustration of what a brave people can do in defence of their liberties, after having exhausted every means of pacification. ] In March, 1865, being with the army in Petersburg, Virginia, I had the pleasure of meeting Colonel Baldwin at a small entertainment at a friend's house, where he conversed with me some two hours on public affairs. During this time, he detailed to me the history of his private mission, from the Virginia Secession Convention, to Mr. Lincoln in April, 1861. The facts he gave me have struck me, especially since the conquest of the South, as of great importance in a history of the origin of the war. It was my earnest hope that Colonel Baldwin would reduce them into a narrative for publication, and I afterwards took measures to induce him to do so, but I fear without effect. Should it appear that he has left such a narrative, while it will confirm the substantial fidelity of my narrative at second hand, it will also supersede mine, and of th
March, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 6.38
at when soon after the capture of Fort Sumter and Mr. Lincoln's proclamation, a prominent Northern politician wrote Colonel Baldwin to ask: What will the Union men of Virginia do now? he immediately replied: There are now no Union men in Virginia. But those who were Union men will stand to their arms, and make a fight which shall go down in history as an illustration of what a brave people can do in defence of their liberties, after having exhausted every means of pacification. ] In March, 1865, being with the army in Petersburg, Virginia, I had the pleasure of meeting Colonel Baldwin at a small entertainment at a friend's house, where he conversed with me some two hours on public affairs. During this time, he detailed to me the history of his private mission, from the Virginia Secession Convention, to Mr. Lincoln in April, 1861. The facts he gave me have struck me, especially since the conquest of the South, as of great importance in a history of the origin of the war. It was
s policy receives these two confirmations. After the return of the former to Richmond, the Convention sent the commission, which has been described, composed of Messrs. Wm. B. Preston, A. H. H. Stuart, and Geo. W. Randolph. They were to ascertain definitely what the President's policy was to be. They endeavored to reach Washington in the early part of the week in which Fort Sumter was bombarded, but were delayed by storms and high water, so that they only reached there via Baltimore, Friday, April 12th. They appeared promptly at the White House, and were put off until Saturday for their formal interview, although Lincoln saw them for a short time. On Saturday Lincoln read to them a written answer to the resolutions of Convention laid before him, which was obviously scarcely dry from the pen of a clerk. This paper, says Mr. Stuart, was ambiguous and evasive, but in the main professed peaceful intentions. Mr. Stuart, in answer to this paper, spoke freely and at large, urging forbea
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