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Edward Everett (search for this): chapter 13
liarity of Andrew, however, that he wrote his letters and even his messages to the Legislature as if he were making a speech. In conversation he was plain, sensible and kindly. He made no pretensions to oratory in his public addresses, but his delivery was easy, clear, and emphatic. At times he spoke rather rapidly, but not so much so as to create a confused impression. I never knew him to make an argumentum ad hominem, nor to indulge in those rhetorical tricks which even Webster and Everett were not wholly free from. He convinced his hearers as much by the fairness of his manner as by anything that he said. The finest passage in his speeches, as we read them now, is his tribute to Lincoln's character in his address to the Legislature, following upon Lincoln's assassination. After describing him as the man who had added martyrdom itself to his other and scarcely less emphatic claims to human veneration, gratitude and love, he continued thus: I desire on this grave occasion
Julian Hawthorne (search for this): chapter 13
on, as well as for the Indian traditions connected with it. John A. Andrew's grandfather, like Hawthorne's father, lived in Salem and both families emigrated to Sebago, the former locating himself in the small town of Windham. At the time when Hawthorne was sailing his little boat on the lake, at the age of fourteen, John Andrew was in his nurse's arms,--born May 31, 1818. Like Hawthorne and LHawthorne and Longfellow he went to Bowdoin College, but did not distinguish himself there as a scholar,--had no honors at commencement. We are still in ignorance concerning his college life, what his interests wehim, took him by the arm and marched several times around the hall with him. He then went to Mrs. Hawthorne, inquired what her husband was writing, and explained the battle of Gettysburg to her, drawing a diagram of it on a letter which he took from his coat pocket. Years afterwards Mrs. Hawthorne spoke of this as one of the pleasantest interviews of her life. He would come in late to dinner a
Sumner Paine (search for this): chapter 13
for threatening to tweak his professor's nose obtained a commission at once. Another case of this sort was so pathetic that it deserves to be commemorated. Sumner Paine (named after Charles Sumner), the finest scholar in his class at Harvard, was suspended in June, 1863, for some trifling folly and went directly to the Governout Andrew replied that the list was full; he could, however, give him a Lieutenancy in the Twentieth Massachusetts, which was then in pursuit of General Lee. Sumner Paine accepted this, and ten days later he was shot dead on the field of Gettysburg. Governor Andrew felt very badly; for Paine was not only a fine scholar but veryPaine was not only a fine scholar but very handsome, and, what is rare among hard students, full of energy and good spirits. Governor Andrew tried a number of conclusions, as Shakespeare would call them, with the National Government during the war, but the most serious difficulty of this kind resulted from Secretary Stanton's arbitrary reduction of the pay of colored so
George L. Stearns (search for this): chapter 13
Andrew was easily nominated; but he owed this to Frank W. Bird more than to any other supporter. In the New York Herald of December 20, 1860, there was the following item: Governor-elect Andrew, of Massachusetts, and George L. Stearns have gone to Washington together, and it is said that the object of their visit is to brace up weak-kneed Republicans. This was one object of their journey, but they also went to survey the ground and see what was the true state of affairs at the Capital. Stearns wrote from Washington to the Bird Club: The watchword here is keep quiet, a sentence full of significance for the interpretation of the policy pursued by the Republican leaders that winter. Andrew returned with the conviction that war was imminent and could not be prevented. His celebrated order in regard to the equipment of the State militia followed immediately, and after the bombardment of Fort Sumter this was looked upon as a true prophecy. He foresaw the difficulty at Baltimore, an
B. F. Butler (search for this): chapter 13
ould be a general uprising in Maryland. Both Sumner and Wilson opposed the appointment of General Butler to the command of the Massachusetts Volunteers, and preferred Caleb Cushing, who afterwards proved to be a more satisfactory member of the Republican party than Butler; but, on the whole, Andrew would seem to have acted judiciously. They were both bold, ingenious and quick-witted men, but it is doubtful if Cushing possessed the dash and intrepidity which Butler showed in dealing with the situation at Baltimore. That portion of his military career was certainly a good success, and how fto decide. It is likely that Governor Andrew regretted his choice three weeks later, when General Butler offered his services to the Governor of Maryland to suppress a slave insurrection which nevent reasons this was not made public at the time, and is little known at the present day; but General Butler owed his prominence in the war wholly to Governor Andrew's appointment. Another little-kn
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 13
stimable qualities which we all admire in Abraham Lincoln. He had not the wit of Lincoln, nor his Lincoln, nor his immense fund of anecdote, which helped so much to make him popular, but the cordial manners and manas directly instrumental in the nomination of Lincoln. It is said to have been at his suggestion tencies; and with one accord they all answered Lincoln. Thus Lincoln's nomination was practically aLincoln's nomination was practically assured before the voting began. It has been repeatedly asserted that the nomination of Andrew fortment. Governor Andrew then appealed to President Lincoln, who referred the case to Attorney-Genereches, as we read them now, is his tribute to Lincoln's character in his address to the Legislature, following upon Lincoln's assassination. After describing him as the man who had added martyrdom so appreciative in the various biographies of Lincoln? The instances of his kindness and helpfultter, as it is at present. Andrew considered Lincoln's attempts at reconstruction as premature, an[1 more...]
Thaddeus Stevens (search for this): chapter 13
had passed an act to make good the deficiency of five dollars a month to the Massachusetts colored regiments, but the private soldiers, with a magnanimity that should never be forgotten, refused to accept from the State what they considered due them from the National Government. At last Governor Andrew applied to Congress for redress, declaring that if he did not live to see justice done to his soldiers in this world he would carry his appeal before the Tribunal of Infinite Justice. Thaddeus Stevens introduced a bill for the purpose June 4, 1864, and after waiting a whole year the colored soldiers received their dues. Andrew declared in his message to Congress that this affair was a disgrace to the National Government; and I fear we shall have to agree with him. At this time there were not less than five thousand officers drawing pay in the Union armies above the requisite proportion of one officer to twenty-two privates. Sixty years ago Macaulay noticed the injurious effec
Henry Wilson (search for this): chapter 13
ng committee has a historical value which Hay and Nicolay, Wilson, and Von Holst would have done well to have taken into cone took advantage of to bring his name forward. Sumner and Wilson threw their weight into the scales, and Andrew was easily ould be a general uprising in Maryland. Both Sumner and Wilson opposed the appointment of General Butler to the command oeover, they would have found a very sturdy opponent in Senator Wilson. It was Wilson who had made Sumner a Senator, and forWilson who had made Sumner a Senator, and for fifteen years they had fought side by side without the shadow of a misunderstanding between them. Under such conditions mefeeling a strong affection for one another. Besides this, Wilson would have been influenced by interested motives. Sumner d been crowded out of the regular lines; and this afforded Wilson a fine opportunity of extending his influence. If Andrew were chosen Senator in the way that was anticipated Wilson knew well enough that this patronage would have to be divided bet
Ralph Waldo Emerson (search for this): chapter 13
r. Clarke desired to exchange with Theodore Parker, but older members of his parish strenuously opposed it. Andrew, then only twenty-seven years old, came forward in support of his pastor, and argued the case vigorously, not because he agreed with Parker's theological opinions, but because he considered the opposition illiberal. After this both Andrew and Clarke would seem to have become gradually more conservative, for when the latter delivered a sermon or lecture in 1866 in opposition to Emerson's philosophy, the ex-Governor printed a public letter requesting him to repeat it. It is easy to trace the influence of James Freeman Clarke in Governor Andrew's religious opinions and Andrew's influence on Rev. Mr. Clarke's politics. Each was a firm believer in the other. The movement to supersede Sumner with Andrew as United States Senator, in 1869, originated in what is called the Back Bay district. It was not because they loved Andrew there, but because they hated Sumner, who repre
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 13
eserves to be commemorated. Sumner Paine (named after Charles Sumner), the finest scholar in his class at Harvard, was susp this over the plan that was afterwards adopted — that is, Sumner's plan — but it included the danger that the Southern Stata firm believer in the other. The movement to supersede Sumner with Andrew as United States Senator, in 1869, originated ot because they loved Andrew there, but because they hated Sumner, who represented to their minds the loss of political powedy opponent in Senator Wilson. It was Wilson who had made Sumner a Senator, and for fifteen years they had fought side by s Wilson would have been influenced by interested motives. Sumner cared nothing for the minor Government offices — the classbe divided between them. Andrew could not have replaced Sumner in the Senate. He lacked the physical strength as well aslegal and historical knowledge which so often disconcerted Sumner's opponents. He had a genius for the executive, and the r<
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