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Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
r. Garrison, who presided, read the Address— with due emphasis, we may be sure. Colonel MillerJ. P. Miller: ante, 2.370. spoke to it, alleging Irish blood in his Vermont veins. Bradburn, confessing himself the son of an Irishman, moved a resolution of sympathy with Ireland, then in the throes of the Repeal agitation. James Canniower of the Federal Government over the District; noticed the insolent exclusion of memorials on this subject emanating from the Legislatures of Massachusetts and Vermont; and (amid immense applause) returned thanks to John Quincy Adams for his bold and indefatigable advocacy of the right of petition. The following may not be summ 12.51, 53, 59. on April 13, a Representative from New York moved in Congress to suppress the Mexican mission, as being an instrumentality of annexation, Slade of Vermont Wm. Slade. seconded him, declaring that he would not give a snap of his Lib. 12.66. finger for the Union after the annexation of Texas. To Botts of Virginia, o
Buckingham (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 2
ew England Convention in Boston. Henry C. Wright was May 24-26, 1842. ready with fresh resolutions, offered on behalf of the business committee: Resolved, That the principles of anti-slavery forbid us, as Lib. 12.87. abolitionists, to continue in the American Union, or to swear to support the Federal Constitution. There is, writes H. C. Wright to Mr. Garrison from Philadelphia, Sept. 4, 1840 (Ms.), a short communication in the Freeman of yesterday, signed J. D. (Joshua Dungan), Bucks County. A leading abolitionist of the Co., who was for a time carried off with New Organizers at N. Y. Now in his right mind. He takes the ground that no true-hearted abolitionist can consistently hold the office of President, because he must swear to support slavery, to put down by arms and blood every attempt of the slave to gain his liberty as our fathers gained theirs. What do you say to this? Resolved, That so long as the South persists in slaveholding, abolitionists are bound to per
Waterloo, Seneca County, New York (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
dark sides of apostolic abolitionism: W. L. Garrison to his Wife. Waterloo [N. Y.], Nov. 21, 1842. Ms. Up to the present time, all's well with me; but, by Kelley did not get along till the next day at noon. She came Nov. 15. from Waterloo, in company with friend McClintock, wife, and daughter Mary. Our meetings conce, etc. In the morning, Joseph took his team, and brought us to Hathaway. Waterloo, where we arrived yesterday (Sunday) at 1 o'clock. Nov. 20. At 2 P. M., the Cs Wife. Syracuse, Nov. 27, 1842. Ms. I wrote to you a hasty letter from Waterloo, giving you some of the outlines of my visit to Rochester. Although many intewhat say for a trip with me, next summer, to Niagara Falls? The friends at Waterloo were the kindest of the kind. I delivered three addresses in that place, to c safety. . . . I am pretty well worn down with exertion. During the ride from Waterloo to this place, in the night, I took cold, and have been troubled with influenz
Creole (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
gainst the soul-drivers of this land as O'Connell. Is it not heart-cheering to know that the British Government Lib. 12.42. will not give up the slaves of the Creole? This action, and the fixed anti-slavery policy of the British nation, account sufficiently for Southern sympathy with Irish revolt, apart from the political i the Irish-American indictment of her. (See the Irish Catholic Boston Pilot's article, The Policy of England—Abolitionism, copied in Lib. 12: 41.) The case of the Creole was this. The brig, of Richmond, left Norfolk on Oct. 30, 1841, for New Orleans, with a cargo of tobacco and slaves, to the number of 135. On the night of Novem1; 12: 10). In the House, Joshua R. Giddings stood for the North in manly resolutions denying any offence against the laws of the United States on the part of the Creole mutineers, or any Constitutional right on the part of the Government to pursue them, or to strengthen the coastwise slave-trade—as the Secretary of the Navy propo
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 2
antime the conspiracy for the annexation of Texas began to rear its head anew. Southern State legislatures adopted resolves in favor of Lib. 12.49. it which met with a willing reception in Congress, while those in opposition fell under the ban of anti-slavery Lib. 12.50. petitions until the inconsistency became too glaring. Lib. 12.57. Recruiting for the Texan army (even under clerical Lib. 12.55, 63. auspices) went on openly, at the North as at the South, after the invasion of Texas by Mexico in March. When, Lib. 12.51, 53, 59. on April 13, a Representative from New York moved in Congress to suppress the Mexican mission, as being an instrumentality of annexation, Slade of Vermont Wm. Slade. seconded him, declaring that he would not give a snap of his Lib. 12.66. finger for the Union after the annexation of Texas. To Botts of Virginia, offering a preposterous pledge on the John M. Botts. part of the South, not to annex Texas if the abolitionists would disband, Mr. Garrison r
Cape Cod (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
in the way of progress which must be removed. I trust the address will do the work in this State. We have too much to do to allow us to maintain a long contest over so slight a matter. Lib. 12.173. It seemed desirable to meet this Liberty Party manifesto by sending Mr. Garrison to Central and Western New York, which was virgin soil in his experience, whether as a lecturer or a tourist. He had, since June came in, been extremely active in the field, making a memorable first visit to Cape Cod, together with Lib. 12.99, 102, 107, 114. campaigns in Maine, New Hampshire, and various parts of Massachusetts. His adventures in the Mohawk Valley and beyond—the beautiful region settled by New England emigrants, and popularly known as the West even down to the date of this narrative—are related in the following letters, which give a glimpse of the bright and the dark sides of apostolic abolitionism: W. L. Garrison to his Wife. Waterloo [N. Y.], Nov. 21, 1842. Ms. Up to the
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 2
of the repeal agitation in Ireland, tests the pro-slavery spirit of Irish Catholicism in the United States. Garrison comes out openly for the repeal of the Union of North and South, runs up this baniddings stood for the North in manly resolutions denying any offence against the laws of the United States on the part of the Creole mutineers, or any Constitutional right on the part of the Governmeed as outlaws by the South; And whereas, by a recent decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, the right of trial by jury is denied to such of the people of the free States as shall be cmen, at the bidding of a piece of parchment, I say, my curse be on the Constitution of these United States! (Lib. 12: 178. See Georgiana Bruce Kirby's Years of experience, pp. 142-144.) The resoluMar. 25, 1847, p. 1. escaped to New York, and in September shipped for the first time in the United States navyin the North Carolina seventy-four at Norfolk. I considered myself, he records, an adep
Northampton (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
ich are near at hand, as Mr. Garrison judged. Nothing can prevent the dissolution of the American Union but the abolition of slavery. Lib. 12.31. This conviction had now complete possession of him. W. L. Garrison to G. W. Benson at Northampton, Mass. Boston, March 22, 1842. Ms. If all be well (and, so mutable are all things here below, we can promise nothing as to the future without prefixing an if), I shall go to Albany about the 21st of April, in company with C. L. Remond, and folly to deny the authenticity of the Address, and, of course, a meeting called with especial reference to it will be pretty sure to be well attended, and to create a wholesome excitement. In going or returning, I shall endeavor to visit Northampton (most probably on returning), and, if practicable, make Remond accompany me. I intend, if I can, to add Wendell Phillips to our company. So, you may make your arrangements, at your leisure, for at least one incendiary meeting in your place.
Concord, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
e instance the punishment was thirteen lashes; the offence, whispering on inspection to a shipmate who was treading on James Garrison's toes. All who remember Perry know what a disciplinarian he was, while yet no one accuses him of being a martinet. Brusque in his manners, he yet had a kindly heart (Rev. W. E. Griffis, in Mag. Am. History, 13: 425). John Randolph said in Congress that he saw more flogging on his voyage to Russia in 1830 (as American minister, on a Federal man-of-war, the Concord, Captain Perry) than on his plantation of 500 slaves (McNally's Evils and Abuses in the Naval and Merchant Service, p. 128. But see Griffis's Life of M. C. Perry, p. 85). We draw the veil over what followed, under the American flag, until James Garrison, a mere wreck, was rescued from the navy by his brother. But an earlier experience had in it an element which connects while it contrasts the lives of both. Towards the close of 1819, while Lloyd was in his early printer's apprentices
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
en in America on the subject of slavery. It exhorted them to treat the colored people as equals and brethren, and to unite everywhere with the abolitionists. Sixty thousand names were appended, Ten thousand more were subsequently added (Lib. 12: 63). Daniel O'Connell's at the head, as Member of Parliament and Lord Mayor of Dublin, with Theobald Mathew's close by. Great Ante, 2.380. hopes were entertained of its effect on the Irish-American citizen and voter. George Bradburn wrote from Lowell to Francis Jackson: What is to be done with that mammoth Address from Ms. Jan. 15, 1842. Ireland? I know it is to be rolled into the Annual Meeting, but is that to be the end of it? Might not the Address, with a few Mass. A. S. S. of its signatures, including O'Connell's, Father Mathew's, and some of the priests' and other dignitaries', be lithographed? The mere sight of those names, or facsimiles of them, rather, and especially the autographs of them, would perhaps more powerfully
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