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Rochester (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
fine natural scenery. . . . Of the nineteen patients who are here, a majority are men. They are all well behaved, and very pleasant. I believe I am the gayest of the lotperhaps it is because I am the least advanced in the cure. My organ of mirthfulness is constantly excited. . . . Most of the females are young ladies, all of them remarkably silent (for their sex, of course), and none of them very interesting (though I dare say they are all very worthy), excepting a Miss Thayer from Rochester, N. Y., who, Abby G. Thayer. being a Garrisonian abolitionist, and a thoroughgoing reformer, must, of course, be very agreeable. She reminds me a little of Elizabeth Pease of Darlington, though younger by one-half. She is a rigid Grahamite, and deems it wrong to take the life of any animal for food—even to destroy a spider or snake. She was surprised, she said, to see me, yesterday, take up a stone to kill a snake which lay across my pathway, a few yards from the house, with his forked to
Oberlin (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
t had better never have been born. Whigs and Democrats managed the Buffalo Lib. 18.131. Convention that resulted in placing before the country the nominations of Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-President, on a platform of Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men [wherever slavery is not established already]. Lib. 18.142. The Liberty Party representatives were there to yield, not to dictate. They heard, with feeble protests, President Mahan of Oberlin claim the credit of the new movement for Ohio, and inquire whether, if they could have had the drawing up of the platform, they could have produced a better. In the conference committee over the nominations, Henry B. Stanton was authorized to say that John P. Hale would submit to the action of the Convention; and when Van Buren led largely on the first ballot, Joshua Leavitt completed the suicide of the Liberty Party by moving that Van Buren's nomination be made unanimous. The Liberty Par
Dublin (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
quite hearty, and resumes work with ardor. His new Sabbath Call is finely drawn up, I think. I did not sign it, though agreeing with its principles; mainly because I feel no such necessity for a specific movement against the Sabbath as he and H. C. W. do. The popular mind seems to me Henry C. Wright. clearing itself up fast enough for all practical purposes: these theological reforms have but a secondary interest for me. Quincy, too, was antipathetic. Edmund Quincy to R. D. Webb, in Dublin. Dedham, March 9, 1848. Ms. The letter to Patrick Keogh I did my best to get to him. But as no such person was to be found at the address, and after having been sent on fool's errands into various parts of the town by your finest pisantry on earth, I had to give it up, and was about consigning it to the all-swallowing, indiscriminate orifice of the common post, as the divine Charles Lamb says (whose name you blasphemously take in vain by Cf. Whittier's Prose Works, 2.216. mentioning
Salem (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
he pamphlet report. These he assigned with much fitness, as when Edmund Quincy was pitched upon Ms. Jan. 10, 1848. W. L. G. to E. M. Davis; cf. ante, 2.426. to treat of the assumed judgments upon Sabbath-breakers. But he could not command the necessary collaboration, and his scheme was very imperfectly carried out. Three sets of resolutions were introduced, and furnished Lib. 18.50, 51. matter for debate—the longest by Mr. Garrison, others by John W. Browne A lawyer, originally of Salem, Mass., at this time of Boston; a classmate and most intimate friend at Harvard of Charles Sumner (Lib. 30: 71, 90, 91; Pierce's Life of Sumner, 2: 294). and Theodore Parker; with supplementary ones by Charles K. Whipple. George W. Benson presided over the two days session in the Melodeon—an ill-lighted hall used on week-days for secular entertainments, and on Sundays by Mr. Parker's congregation as their meeting-house. The orthodox religious press, as represented by the Boston Recorder, voted
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
ve had it); when, in the House of Representatives, the Committee on Territories was instructed to bring in a bill Lib. 18.202; 19.1. to organize New Mexico and California as free Territories; and the Committee on the District of Columbia, to bring Lib. 19.6. in a bill abolishing the slave-trade there—a vote which sent the Southehat the free status of the Northwestern Territory was debatable, and to make a nominal concession to Oregon serve as a counter in the game to win New Mexico and California for slavery. Amid all this, the contemner of compromise, John C. Calhoun, passed most unhappy days. He had, as Secretary of State, engineered the annexationHe tried, by the Clayton makeshift, to gain time for Southern immigration and control, by forbidding the Territorial Lib. 18.118. governments of New Mexico and California to take any action for or against the introduction of slave property. Beaten in this, he became frantic on the presentation, Lib. 18.202. through Senator Bent
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
he standpoint of an abolitionist or of a universal reformer. But now his rally was of anti-Sabbatarians who needed no converting, but should unite their voices in protest. Hence the Address (germinated a dozen years before) Ante, 2.111, 112. To the Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty. the right of every man to worship God according to the Lib. 18.11. dictates of his own conscience is inherent, inalienable, selfevident. Yet it is notorious that, in all the States, excepting Louisiana, Originally a Catholic settlement, where the Civil Law obtained. there are laws enforcing the religious observance of the first day of the week as the Sabbath, and punishing as criminals such as attempt to pursue their usual avocations on that day,—avocations which even Sabbatarians recognize as innocent and laudable on all other days. It is true, some exceptions are made to the rigorous operation of these laws, in favor of the Seventh-Day Baptists, Jews, and others who keep the sevent
Utica (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
in the nominating of Van Buren was very offensive to me (Ms. November 26, 1870, Gerrit Smith to W. L. G.). The Free Soil Party exists, wrote Quincy, Lib. 18.146. not because, but in spite of the Liberty Party. Van Buren had already come out against any further Lib. 18.102. enlargement of the slave area, affirming the power of Congress in the premises, and refusing to support either Lewis Cass or Zachary Taylor. He had at once received the nomination of the Barnburners' Convention at Utica, which was thus imposed upon the Buffalo Convention. His letter of acceptance was adroit and plausible, and virtually retracted his pledge, made while President, to Ante, 2.82, 198. veto any bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. Still, though the Liberty Party might swallow him without making a wry face, the venerable trickster could but excite the distrust of the abolition chiefs. Mr. Garrison wrote privately in August to Mr. Quincy from Northampton: As for the Fr
Joshua R. Giddings (search for this): chapter 8
9. Meanwhile, a great mass convention on the same lines was held at Worcester, Mass., on June 28, under the Lib. 18.106. presidency of Samuel Hoar and leadership of Stephen C. Phillips and Charles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib. 18.94, 98, 102. against the action of their partuestion, had vastly assisted their labors in moulding public sentiment. Their preeminent ally in that arena, John Quincy Adams, had, indeed, Feb. 23, 1848; Lib. 18.35, 40. been taken away by death; but his place had been more than made good by Giddings, Palfrey, and Hale, as could be measured by their action to rid the District of slavery Lib. 18.69, 73, 77, 119, 202, 206. and the slave-trade. Mr. Garrison might well have left on record his deliberate judgment of the ex-President, but he cho
Increase S. Smith (search for this): chapter 8
n of business, managing a very large concern and making plenty of money, without being the slave of business or money. John W. Browne, Maria W. Chapman, Charles K. Whipple, Samuel Philbrick, Loring Moody, Edmund Quincy, S. S. and Abby Kelley Foster, G. W. Benson, Andrew Robeson, Parker Pillsbury, James and Lucretia Mott, Edward M. Davis, C. C. Burleigh, H. C. Wright, J. Miller McKim, Thomas McClintock, and Joseph C. Hathaway. These were joined later by Samuel May, Jr., R. F. Wallcut, Increase S. Smith, William A. White, and Joshua T. Everett. The anti-slavery complexion of this list was unmistakable, and, in truth, if any experience could breed anti-Sabbath conventions, it had been precisely that of the abolitionists. On an earlier occasion, the Rev. Samuel May, Jr., had said: The infidelity of the antislavery movement consists in this simple thing, that it has outstripped the churches of the land in the practical application of Christianity to the wants, wrongs, and oppressions o
Samuel May (search for this): chapter 8
ames and Lucretia Mott, Edward M. Davis, C. C. Burleigh, H. C. Wright, J. Miller McKim, Thomas McClintock, and Joseph C. Hathaway. These were joined later by Samuel May, Jr., R. F. Wallcut, Increase S. Smith, William A. White, and Joshua T. Everett. The anti-slavery complexion of this list was unmistakable, and, in truth, if any experience could breed anti-Sabbath conventions, it had been precisely that of the abolitionists. On an earlier occasion, the Rev. Samuel May, Jr., had said: The infidelity of the antislavery movement consists in this simple thing, that it has outstripped the churches of the land in the practical application of Christianity to tht many of them will never recover themselves. Similar counsel, apropos of an impending anti-slavery meeting, was conveyed in a letter from Mr. Garrison to Samuel May, Jr., written after the Presidential election: As for the Free Soil movement, I am for hailing it as a Ms. Dec. 2, 1848. cheering sign of the times, and an
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