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Boston (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
disrespect for the Constitution, actual disruption and annihilation of the Union, and a cessation of all order, legal or divine, which does not square with his narrow views of what constitutes human liberty. Never, in the time of the French Revolution and blasphemous atheism, was there more malevolence and unblushing wickedness avowed than by this same Garrison. Indeed, he surpasses Robespierre and his associates, for he has no design of building up. His only object is to destroy. . . . In Boston, a few months ago, a convention was held, the object of which was the overthrow of Sunday worship. Thus it appears that nothing divine or secular is respected by these fanatics. Ante, p. 262. The lesson of the hour was, that— When free discussion does not promote the public good, Lib. 20.77. it has no more right to exist than a bad government that is dangerous and oppressive to the common weal. It should be overthrown. On the question of usefulness to the public of the packe
Springfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ciples. And since they had invoked the religious sentiment in their behalf, he drew up for them an address to the clergy of Massachusetts. Lib. 20.162, 177. The short-sighted framers of the Fugitive Slave Law had good reasons for not anticipating the revolt which it actually caused among the clergy, limited and partial as this was. See a list of higher-law sermons, mostly preached in Massachusetts, in Lib. 21: 46. For instance, the chances were that the Unitarian Convention at Springfield, Mass., in the fall of Lib. 20.178. 1850, would reject resolutions denouncing the law. In fact, John Pierpont having presented such, Dr. Parkman Rev. Francis Parkman. gave as chairman a casting vote to lay them on the table, though avowing his willingness to harbor fugitives. Dr. Gannett deprecated discussion and all action, as being Rev. E. S. Gannett. liable to be misunderstood. Nevertheless, the resolutions were called up and passed, and other religious conventions Lib. 20.166, 178.
France (France) (search for this): chapter 10
tter in the presence of men than when the men are absent. (Much merriment.) But there is a philosophical reason for this, particularly as it respects legislation. We cannot have too much intellect, nor have too much humanity, mingled in our national councils; and I say we are robbing ourselves of all this by disfranchising one-half of the population. No man can show any good reason why woman should not have her political rights in this country. She will have them sooner or later here, in France, in England, and in all civilized countries. It is only a question of time. I know that there are a great many women who are sensitive on this subject; who are satisfied with their present condition; who declare that they are happy and lack nothing. With plenty to eat and drink, and plenty to wear, they deem themselves well off, and they do not see a necessity for any stir on this subject. Then there are others who are alarmed when they see any of their number going forward to address
ated, as regards imprisonment, to Lib. 20.153. a term not exceeding six months); and denying the alleged fugitive all right to testify in his own defence. Nor did Webster, who, while yet undecided on which side to commit himself, had drawn up an amendment Lib. 20.100. providing for a trial by jury (which lay hid in his desk on the 7th of March), make this a sine qua non of his adhesion; or revolt at the effect given to the kidnapper's ex-parte Lib. 20.95. affidavits; The pagan law of Crete unearthed at Gortyna (Am. Jour. of Archcaeology, Jan., 1886), and assigned to the Solonian period, provided: Whoever intends to bring suit in relation to a freeman or a slave, shall not take action by seizure before trial; but, if he do seize him, let the Judge fine him ten staters for the freeman, five for the slave, and let him adjudge that he shall release him within three days. . . . But if one party contend that he is a freeman, the other that he is a slave, those that testify that he
Francis Parkman (search for this): chapter 10
in Massachusetts, in Lib. 21: 46. For instance, the chances were that the Unitarian Convention at Springfield, Mass., in the fall of Lib. 20.178. 1850, would reject resolutions denouncing the law. In fact, John Pierpont having presented such, Dr. Parkman Rev. Francis Parkman. gave as chairman a casting vote to lay them on the table, though avowing his willingness to harbor fugitives. Dr. Gannett deprecated discussion and all action, as being Rev. E. S. Gannett. liable to be misunderstood. Rev. Francis Parkman. gave as chairman a casting vote to lay them on the table, though avowing his willingness to harbor fugitives. Dr. Gannett deprecated discussion and all action, as being Rev. E. S. Gannett. liable to be misunderstood. Nevertheless, the resolutions were called up and passed, and other religious conventions Lib. 20.166, 178. took a similar stand, and the new phase of the old moral issue began again the work of dividing the denominations and plunging the pulpit into politics. If an Orville Dewey stood up in the lyceum to urge the duty of Lib. 20.205; 21.2, 29, 36; 22.37. obeying the Fugitive Slave Law, a Peter Lesley in his sermons set Deuteronomy 23 over against Romans 13; a Theodore Lib. 20.174. Parker dis
D. Webster (search for this): chapter 10
still glowing cavernously,—Clay, Calhoun, and Webster worked, in unequal and even discordant partneTrue, he had said at Marshfield, Lib. 20.47; Webster's Works, 2.437. in September, 1842: We talk o, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake oheld at the Marlboroa Hotel, Boston, in 1822, Webster presiding, and Judge Story introducing resolue Constitution, elicited acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supplements Lib. 20.62, of Lib. 20.55. Plymouth County, the home of Webster; and widely by the religious press. These fa mobs against us. The scandalous treachery of Webster, and the backing he has received from Andovernly contrasts honorably with that of Clay and Webster. Small praise that, to be sure. A new sourc bore witness to the truth of the assertion. Webster was encouraging the commercial interests of of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obliga[6 more...]
George Storrs (search for this): chapter 10
er Pillsbury, however, wrote from Concord, N. H., to Mr. Garrison: I take the liberty of calling your attention to the late Union Ms. Nov. 28, 1850. meeting in Manchester in this State, as reported in the N. H. Patriot. You will, I think, be greatly edified by some of the speeches, particularly with Ichabod Bartlett's, a Portsmouth Whig and the most able lawyer in the State, and also with Chas. G. Atherton's, of gag-rule memory, and Senator Norris's, Ante, 2: 247-249. who arrested Geo. Storrs while praying in a pulpit. The Ante, 2.67. indignation in this town on Mr. Thompson's visit to this country burns as hot as when he was here before. I think he would be mobbed as quick as then. . . . My decided opinion is, that a very large majority of the people of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Co
Elizabeth Pease (search for this): chapter 10
d you God-speed, women of Massachusetts and New England, in this good work! Whenever your convention shall meet, and wherever it shall be, I shall endeavor to be there, to forward so good, so glorious a movement. Mr. Garrison kept his word. He signed the call headed Lib. 20.142. by Lucy Stone, he attended the Convention, addressed it, Lib. 20.181; Proceedings of Woman's Rights Convention (Boston, 1851). and was placed on sundry important committees. Wendell Phillips wrote to Elizabeth Pease on Mar. 9, 1851 (Ms.): You would have enjoyed the Women's Convention. I think I never saw a more intelligent and highly cultivated audience, more ability guided by the best taste on a platform, more deep, practical interest, on any occasion. It took me completely by surprise; and the women were the ablest speakers, too. You would have laughed, as we used to do in 1840, to hear dear Lucretia Mott answer me. I had presumed to differ from her, and assert that the cause would meet more im
adquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assaul
W. H. Seward (search for this): chapter 10
o establish a new reign of terror for anti-slavery fanatics and ensure the lasting domination of the Slave Power. They wielded a packed Senate in whose twenty-seven standing committees the South had sixteen chairmanships, to say Lib. 20.6; cf. 21.14. nothing of those which she had assigned to Northern doughfaces, while in sixteen committees she had carefully secured a majority of actual slaveholders, and from all had insolently excluded the three truly Northern Lib. 20.32. Senators, Hale, Seward, and Chase. A House, packed J. P. Hale, W. H. Seward. S. P. Chase. in like manner, completed the Congress whose destiny it was to pour oil upon the flames of the agitation it sought to extinguish. For eight months after Mr. Clay introduced his so-called Compromise Resolutions, they, Jan. 21, 1850; Lib. 20.21. and the measures to which they gave birth in an Omnibus Bill, engrossed the attention of both Houses and of the country. No appropriation bill could be passed. Lib. 20.118. Everyb
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