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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1.. Search the whole document.

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Cornfield Point (Maryland, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
stem of labor; the elevation of the negro to social equality with the white man; and the destruction of Slavery, upon which, they alleged, had rested in the past, and must forever rest in the future, all substantial prosperity in the cotton-growing States. They held the Republican party responsible for John Brown's acts at Harper's Ferry, For the purpose of liberating the slaves of Virginia, John Brown, an enthusiast, with a few followers, seized Harper's Ferry, at the confluence of the Potomac and Shenandoah Rivers, in October, 1859, as a base. of operations. He failed. He was arrested by National and Virginia troops, and was hanged, in December following, by the authorities of Virginia. and declared that his raid was the forerunner of a general and destructive invasion of the Slavelabor States by the fanatical hordes of the North. They cited the publications and speeches of the Abolitionists of the North during the past thirty years; the legislation in the same section unfri
Europe (search for this): chapter 2
f the people of South Carolina were not in unison with the desperate politicians who were exciting them to revolt, but another fact, afterward made clear — that months before Mr. Lincoln's election, emissaries of the conspirators had been sent to Europe, to prepare the way for aid and recognition of the contemplated Southern Confederacy by foreign powers. If we wait for co-operation, he said, Slavery and State Rights will be abandoned, State Sovereignty and the cause of the South lost forever; g to send a commissioner to Georgia, or any other Southern State, to announce our determination, and to submit the question whether they will join us or not. We have it from high authority, that the representative of one of the imperial powers of Europe, in view of the prospective separation of one or more of the Southern States from the present Confederacy, has made propositions in advance for the establishment of such relations between it and the government about to be established in this Stat
Florida (Florida, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
rgia Legislature, 58. Secession in Mississippi, 59. Secession in Alabama and Florida, 60. proceedings in Louisiana, 61. attitude of Texas and North Carolina, 62.North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Louisiana, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas. The electors of South Carolina were chosen by the State Legislatufidence of our people at home. South Carolina will go. I consider Georgia and Florida as certain. Alabama probable. Then Mississippi must go. But I want Louisiana,or that purpose. When they asked for more territory, they received Louisiana, Florida, and Texas. We have always had the control of the General Government, he said,greed to an address to the people of South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida, urging upon them the importance of co-operation, rather than separate State ass, impotent, and a nuisance. C. G. Gunther, Foreman, and nineteen others Florida, the most dependent upon the Union for its prosperity of all the. States, and
West Virginia (West Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
men can look with any hope or pleasure. Momentous are the consequences which depend upon your action. Garnett mourned over the action of Virginia, in hesitating to go with the revolution. I do not believe, he said, that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of the popular feeling. In the east, at least, the great majority believe in the right of secession, and feel the deepest sympathy with Carolina in opposition to measures which they regard as she does. But the west-Western Virginia--here is the rub! Only sixty thousand slaves to four hundred and ninety-four thousand whites! When I consider this fact, and the kind of argument which we have heard in this body, I cannot but regard with the greatest fear the question, whether Virginia would assist Carolina in such an issue. I must acknowledge, my dear Sir, that I look to the future with almost as much apprehension as hope. You will object to the term Democrat. Democracy, in its original philosophical sense, is ind
Carolina City (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
go with the revolution. I do not believe, he said, that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of the popular feeling. In the east, at least, the great majority believe in the right of secession, and feel the deepest sympathy with Carolina in opposition to measures which they regard as she does. But the west-Western Virginia--here is the rub! Only sixty thousand slaves to four hundred and ninety-four thousand whites! When I consider this fact, and the kind of argument which we hns of our people, did I not remember with pleasure the great improvement of opinion in regard to the abstract question of Slavery. And if such is the case, what have we to hope for the future? I do not hesitate to say, that if the question is raised between Carolina and the Federal Government, and the latter prevails, the last hope of Republican Government, and, I fear, of Southern civilization, is gone. Russia will then be a better Government than ours. See pages 92 and 93 of this volume.
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
e following anecdote concerning the last sentence in the above quotation from the Message:--Mr. De Frees, the Government printer, told me that when the Message was being printed, he was a good deal disturbed by the use of the term sugar-coated, and finally went to the President about it. Their relations to each other being of the most intimate character, he told Mr. Lincoln frankly that he ought to remember that a message to Congress was a different affair from a speech at a mast meeting in Illinois--that the messages became a part of history, and should be written accordingly. What Is the matter now? inquired the President. Why, said Mr. De Frees, you have used an undignified expression in the Message ; and then reading the paragraph aloud, he added, I would alter the structure of that, if I were you. De Frees, replied Mr. Lincoln, that word expresses precisely my idea, and I am not going to change it. The time will never come, in this country, when the people won't know exactl
Milledgeville (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
o knows the value of silence, who can listen wisely, present in Milledgeville, at the meeting of the State Legislature, as there will be ther secede.--The hour for action has come, said a message from Milledgeville, Georgia. This State is ready to assert her rights and independenceourse of people, November 14, 1869. in the Assembly Chamber at Milledgeville. Toombs had harangued them on the previous evening, with his aGeorgia was supreme, and that the chief object of his speech at Milledgeville, on the 14th, was not so much for the preservation of the Union in his State. The great and leading object aimed at by me, in Milledgeville, he said, was to produce harmony on a right line of policy. If re his speech was pronounced, a Military Convention was held at Milledgeville, November 12, 1860. which was addressed by the Governor of the scenes of our Revolution have again to be acted over, said the Milledgeville (Georgia) Journal; and the citizens of St. John's Parish, in So
Poughkeepsie (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
as to bring about, as speedily as possible, a dissolution of the present Union, and a Southern Confederacy. --Rather than submit one moment to Black Republican rule, Wise wrote to an old friend of his father, in the North, I would fight to the last drop of blood to resist its fanatical oppression. Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then, or our safety must be guaranteed. Autograph letter to Josiah Williams, of Poughkeepsie, N. Y., dated Rolleston, near Norfolk, Va., December 24, 1860. Governor Wise, it will be remembered, was chiefly instrumental in procuring the execution of John Brown for treason, less than a year before. Four years later, his estate of Rolleston, near Norfolk, was occupied as a camp for freed negroes; and, in his mansion, a daughter of John Brown was teaching <*> children how to read and write the English language. Everywhere the conspirators and their followers and agents were sleepl
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
, and was afterward sent to the. Russian Court, as a diplomatic agent of the conspirators), submitted to the people of Mississippi, before the close of November, 1860, a plan for a Southern Confederacy. After reciting the ordinance by which Mississippi was created a State of the Union, and proposing her formal withdrawal Lucius Q. C. Lamar. therefrom, the plan proposed that the State of Mississippi should consent to form a Federal Union with all the Slave-labor States, the Territory of New Mexico, and the Indian Territory west of Arkansas, under the name and style of the United States of America, and according to the tenor and effect of the Constitution of the United States, with slight exceptions. It proposed to continue in force all laws and treaties of the United States, so far as they applied to Mississippi, until the new Confederation should be organized, and that all regulations, contracts, and engagements made by the old Government should remain in force. It provided that
Jackson (Tennessee, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
, and Florida, urging upon them the importance of co-operation, rather than separate State action, in the matter of secession. Our people must be united, they said; our common interests must be preserved. The address was signed by fifty-two members of the Legislature. It was so offensive to the Hotspurs of the South Carolina State Convention, that that body refused to receive it. We shall again refer to the action of the Georgia Legislature. The Legislature of Mississippi assembled at Jackson early in November, and adjourned on the 30th. The special object of the session was to make preparations for the secession of the State. An act was passed, providing for a Convention, to be held on the 7th of January; and the 20th of December was the day appointed by it for the election of delegates thereto. The Governor (John J. Pettus) was authorized to appoint commissioners to visit each of the Slave-labor States, for the purpose of officially informing the governors or legislatures t
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