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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders.. Search the whole document.

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Seddon (search for this): chapter 29
e. how mismanaged. the Crenshaw contract. small yield of impressments. the whole Confederate policy of subsistence a failure. an extraordinary device of Secretary Seddon. how it played into the hands of speculators. reflection upon the want of the commercial or business faculty in the Southern mind. a stock of childish exprmy. And yet about this time the rolls of the Adjutant-General's office in Richmond showed little more than four hundred thousand men under arms; and of these, Mr. Seddon, the Confederate Secretary of War, declared that, owing to desertions and other causes, not more than a half, never two-thirds of the soldiers were in the ranksices, and thus it naturally and surely happened that the regular supplies of the government were cut off. The whole land was infected by speculators pampered by Mr. Seddon, the Secretary of War; and the soldier, who was without shelter fighting our battles, found himself discriminated against in favour of the private citizen-who,
Seymour (search for this): chapter 29
f our own right, and bid defiance to any arm that would move us from our ground. This high constitutional privilege we shall defend and exercise in all places — in time of peace, in time of war, and at all times. Living, we shall assert it; and should we leave no other inheritance to our children, by the blessing of God we will leave them the inheritance of free principles and the example of a manly, independent, and constitutional defence of them. Resolved, That in the election of Governor Seymour, the people of this State, by an emphatic majority, declared their condemnation of the system of arbitrary arrests and their determination to stand by the Constitution. That the revival of this lawless system can have but one result-to divide and distract the North, and destroy its confidence in the purposes of the Administration. That we deprecate it as an element of confusion at home, of weakness to our armies in the field, and as calculated to lower the estimate of American charact
Clement L. Vallandigham (search for this): chapter 29
of this fact than the arrest and exile of Mr. Vallandigham, who was probably the most talented and pespondence, with reference to the case of Mr. Vallandigham, discusses the whole subject of Military al jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Vallandigham was not damaging the power of the countryne so. He on whose discretionary judgment Mr. Vallandigham was arrested and tried is a democrat, havhether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. While I cannot shift the responsibility say, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested — that is, I was painediberty; but you have undertaken to banish Mr. Vallandigham from his home. You seem also to have for approved the sentence pronounced against Mr. Vallandigham, it was our true course-our honest course63. It is true that the outrage upon Mr. Vallandigham, and, through him, upon. the whole body l seizure and banishment of the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham, the laws of the country have been outraged[11 more...]
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 29
ly announced, or until the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more elapsed, the ratification of the treaty of peace was regularly announced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more, and the judge called Gen. Jackson into court and fined him a thousand dollars for having arrested him and the others named. The General paid the fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress refunded principal and interest. The late Senator Douglas, then in the House of Representatives, took a leading part in the debates, in which the constitutional question was much discussed. I am not prepared to say whom the journals would show to have voted for the measure. It may be remarked, first, that we had the same Constitution then as now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a case of rebellion ; and thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press,
Joseph E. Johnston (search for this): chapter 29
nd says nothing when the peril of his government is discussed cannot be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy; much more, if he talks ambiguously-talks for his country with buts, and ifs, and ands. Of how little value the constitutional provisions I have quoted will be rendered, if arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples. General John C. Breckinridge, General Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E. Johnston, General John B. Magruder, General William B. Preston, General Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now occupying the very highest places in the rebel war service, were all within the power of the government since the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now. Unquestionably, if we had seized and held them, the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then committed any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, i
June 30th, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 29
considered, to the end that on your retirement from the high position you occupy, you may leave behind you no doctrines and no further precedents of despotic power to prevent you and your posterity from enjoying that constitutional liberty which is the inheritance of us all, and to the end, also, that history may speak of your administration with indulgence if it cannot with approval. We are, sir, with great respect, yours very truly, John V. L. Pruyn, Chairman of Committee Albany, June 30, 1863. It is true that the outrage upon Mr. Vallandigham, and, through him, upon. the whole body of American liberties, was the occasion of some forcible expressions of public indignation. A Democratic meeting in New Jersey resolved that in the illegal seizure and banishment of the Hon. C. L. Vallandigham, the laws of the country have been outraged, the name of the United States disgraced, and the rights of every citizen menaced, and that it is now the duty of a law-respecting people
January 1st, 1863 AD (search for this): chapter 29
ing less than the danger of sacrificing our armies would induce him to acquiesce in. Upon that letter the President endorsed as follows: Secretary of War Is there any necessity for immediate action? Is there satisfactory evidence that the present opportunity is the last which will be offered? Have you noted the scheme of the enemy for the payment of their next accruing interest on their public debt? You will not fail to perceive the effect of postponing the proposed action until January 1, 1863, if it be necessary at any time to depart from the well-defined policy of our government in relation to cotton. Jeff. Davis October 31, 1862. President Davis was assured that the consequences of the refusal of this policy of exchange would be most serious. Col. Northrop, the Commissary General, informed him that present efforts, even if successful, would not produce cured bacon for the next year. The departments of the east had been exhausted, while the increasing number of re
1850 AD (search for this): chapter 29
ly fractions of the population for those States partially overrun by the enemy: Alabama,529,164 Arkansas,324,323 Florida,78,686 Georgia,595,097 Louisiana,376,913 Mississippi,354,699 North Carolina,661,586 A fourth of Missouri,264,588 South Carolina,801,271 Two thirds of Tennessee,556,042 Texas,420,651 Half of Virginia,552,591 Total,5,015,618 This being the aggregate population, what proportion of it were males between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five? By the census of 1850, the population of the United States was twenty-three millions one hundred and ninety-one thousand eight hundred and seventy-six. Of this total, seven millions forty-seven thousand nine hundred and forty-five were given as between the ages in question. Half this number would give three millions five hundred and twenty-three thousand nine hundred and seventy-two as the males between those ages; which number is fifteen per cent. of the aggregate population. This ratio applied to the white po
May 16th (search for this): chapter 29
efying the Constitution, and involving the liberties of its own people with the designs of the war. The following correspondence, with reference to the case of Mr. Vallandigham, discusses the whole subject of Military Arrests, and covers a topic in the war so large and important, that a full copy of it is afforded for the reference of the reader: To His Excellency the President of the United States. The undersigned, officers of a public meeting held at the city of Albany on the sixteenth day of May, instant, herewith transmit to your Excellency a copy of the resolutions adopted at the aid greeting, and respectfully request your earnest consideration of them. They deem it proper on their personal responsibility to state that the meeting was one of the most respectable as to numbers and character, and one of the most earnest in the support of the Union ever held in this city. Yours, with great regard, Erastus Corning, President. Resolutions. Resolved, That the Democrat
May 19th (search for this): chapter 29
ved, That the President, Vice-Presidents, and Secretary of this meeting be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to his Excellency the President of the United States, with the assurance of this meeting of their hearty and earnest desire to support the Government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the existing rebellion. President Lincoln's reply.Executive Mansion, Washington, June 12, 1863. Hon. Erastus Corning and others: Gentlemen: Your letter of May 19th, inclosing the resolutions of a public meeting held at Albany, New York, on the 16th of the same month, was received several days ago. The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two propositions-first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support the Administration in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and secondly, a declaration of censure upon the Administration for suppos
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