hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
U. S. Grant 1,800 0 Browse Search
Nellie Grant 480 0 Browse Search
Jesse Grant 391 1 Browse Search
W. T. Sherman 384 0 Browse Search
Sam Grant 360 0 Browse Search
Stanton Grant 352 0 Browse Search
Andrew Johnson 330 0 Browse Search
Ulysses S. Grant 302 8 Browse Search
Edwin M. Stanton 299 1 Browse Search
Johnson Grant 264 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. Search the whole document.

Found 126 total hits in 27 results.

1 2 3
to the White House, where a large party lunched together, after which Grant made way for Hayes. Grant had done all that was proper in his position to assist in the election of Hayes, and very much indeed to facilitate his installation, and Hayes appreciated this course. A few days after the 4th of March, the new President invited Grant to say if there were any personal friends in office whom he would like to have retained. Grant named about half a dozen, among them his brother-in-law, Mr. Cramer, the Minister to Denmark. My own name as Consul-General at London was also mentioned. These requests Mr. Hayes religiously observed, though in my case, at least, great pressure was brought to induce him to break his pledge. My place was wanted by two Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hay
Young Minister (search for this): chapter 28
pport. Until the nominations were made, however, all Grant's influence had been thrown in favor of Conkling, and against Bristow and Blaine. He had declined to allow his name to go before the convention, but he naturally took a keen interest in the selection of the candidate who might succeed him. Conkling had been his especial advocate and defender in the Senate during the period when many fell away, while for Bristow he entertained an especial bitterness. He looked upon Bristow as a Cabinet Minister who had become not only the rival of his chief, but the instigator of all the fierce and personal attacks directed against himself during the concluding years of his Administration. I was out of the country and had no personal knowledge of the matter. I am far from declaring that Grant's feeling was justified by facts; I simply record the sentiment, which was one of the most intense he ever knew. But for Blaine at this time Grant had no animosity; he opposed him because he was the c
name to go before the convention, but he naturally took a keen interest in the selection of the candidate who might succeed him. Conkling had been his especial advocate and defender in the Senate during the period when many fell away, while for Bristow he entertained an especial bitterness. He looked upon Bristow as a Cabinet Minister who had become not only the rival of his chief, but the instigator of all the fierce and personal attacks directed against himself during the concluding years oBristow as a Cabinet Minister who had become not only the rival of his chief, but the instigator of all the fierce and personal attacks directed against himself during the concluding years of his Administration. I was out of the country and had no personal knowledge of the matter. I am far from declaring that Grant's feeling was justified by facts; I simply record the sentiment, which was one of the most intense he ever knew. But for Blaine at this time Grant had no animosity; he opposed him because he was the competitor of Conkling. When, however, Hayes became the candidate by a compromise, Grant was loyal to his party and to the decision of its representatives. No one sus
er practicable way of settling the question at issue in which both parties would acquiesce; no other arbitrament but arms, and this he was determined to avert. Therefore, when Congress laid down the law he executed it. I remember talking with Motley on the subject at the time in London. Like most of the disappointed or disaffected Republicans, Motley held that Tilden had been elected, but he said bitterly that made no difference, for Grant was in power, and he would certainly put Hayes intoMotley held that Tilden had been elected, but he said bitterly that made no difference, for Grant was in power, and he would certainly put Hayes into place. It was an unfair accusation, but not unnatural, I suppose, in one who thought he had himself suffered unjustly at Grant's hands; still, it showed a belief that Grant would execute his determination. The country at home had the same belief in his inflexibility, and felt that he would carry out whatever policy he might adopt. Thus after it was known that he had accepted the decision of the Commission both sides breathed freer: they knew that whatever happened there would be no war. All
Nellie Grant (search for this): chapter 28
lection was made, a day or two after the vote, Grant, like a good citizen, was prepared to acquiesct could determine anything, and the President, Grant held, was the executive of the Congressional whe exact legality of the Commission I doubt if Grant ever expressed an opinion. He did not profess he said bitterly that made no difference, for Grant was in power, and he would certainly put Hayesno reproach to their courage to submit to what Grant was sure to enforce. His presence in the Preselection, assuming a sort of dictatorship; but Grant never for a moment contemplated any unconstiture a large party lunched together, after which Grant made way for Hayes. Grant had done all thater the 4th of March, the new President invited Grant to say if there were any personal friends in ountry shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. nd. Schurz was indeed one of the men for whom Grant conceived a violent hate, yet even Schurz cal[30 more...]
Chapter 28: Grant and Hayes. Grant and Hayes first met in 1865, at the time of the Grand ReHayes first met in 1865, at the time of the Grand Review in Washington, when Hayes was a Congressman-elect. During the next few years they were alwayson friendly terms, and after the nomination of Hayes for the Presidency Grant gave him a cordial su the competitor of Conkling. When, however, Hayes became the candidate by a compromise, Grant wauntil he went abroad after the inauguration of Hayes. I was then Consul-General at London, and calon was declared, Grant was determined to place Hayes in the Presidential chair. But he was probablnal step, and when the Commission decided that Hayes had been elected, he made ready at once to secn Saturday), or on Sunday, the 4th of March. Mr. Hayes replied that he could not possibly be sworn uch indeed to facilitate his installation, and Hayes appreciated this course. A few days after theered no more than an occasional criticism of Mr. Hayes or his Government, and never opposition, exc[21 more...]
y were always on friendly terms, and after the nomination of Hayes for the Presidency Grant gave him a cordial support. Until the nominations were made, however, all Grant's influence had been thrown in favor of Conkling, and against Bristow and Blaine. He had declined to allow his name to go before the convention, but he naturally took a keen interest in the selection of the candidate who might succeed him. Conkling had been his especial advocate and defender in the Senate during the period ws Administration. I was out of the country and had no personal knowledge of the matter. I am far from declaring that Grant's feeling was justified by facts; I simply record the sentiment, which was one of the most intense he ever knew. But for Blaine at this time Grant had no animosity; he opposed him because he was the competitor of Conkling. When, however, Hayes became the candidate by a compromise, Grant was loyal to his party and to the decision of its representatives. No one suspecte
e. It was an unfair accusation, but not unnatural, I suppose, in one who thought he had himself suffered unjustly at Grant's hands; still, it showed a belief that Grant would execute his determination. The country at home had the same belief in his inflexibility, and felt that he would carry out whatever policy he might adopt. Thus after it was known that he had accepted the decision of the Commission both sides breathed freer: they knew that whatever happened there would be no war. All Americans abroad, Democrats as well as Republicans, expressed this confidence; I often heard political opponents declare they were glad that Grant was in power, for at least he would preserve peace; and perhaps there were some who were not sorry to be restrained. It was no reproach to their courage to submit to what Grant was sure to enforce. His presence in the Presidential chair at this time doubtless did much, not only to allay the anxiety of the country, but to produce and preserve that peace
Chester A. Arthur (search for this): chapter 28
ned. These requests Mr. Hayes religiously observed, though in my case, at least, great pressure was brought to induce him to break his pledge. My place was wanted by two Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed at his disposal in European and Asiatic waters, and diplomatic and consular officers were instructed by the State Department to pay him every honor in the countries to which they were were accredited. But the policy of Hayes's Government Grant always thought reflected on his own. An avowed and personal enemy of the ex-President w
rse. A few days after the 4th of March, the new President invited Grant to say if there were any personal friends in office whom he would like to have retained. Grant named about half a dozen, among them his brother-in-law, Mr. Cramer, the Minister to Denmark. My own name as Consul-General at London was also mentioned. These requests Mr. Hayes religiously observed, though in my case, at least, great pressure was brought to induce him to break his pledge. My place was wanted by two Cabinet Ministers for their own friends, and was actually offered to Chester A. Arthur, then collector at New York, by Sherman, the Secretary of the Treasury. Arthur declined it, and I never heard that Sherman's offer was authorized by Hayes. Mr. Sherman, however, was under no obligation to me, nor indeed to General Grant, beyond that which every citizen of the country shared. The new Administration showed Grant all proper civilities during his stay abroad. Naval vessels were placed at his disposa
1 2 3