a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians.
I gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could in any other way. They did not in any true sense of the word nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected.
I also told them how I expected they would be treated after Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected.
I also told them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been beaten; and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said upon that subject.
I then said:--'When we do as we say beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions; to abide by all
ason to know, too, that his private letters had been peered into, but whether in the post-office or elsewhere, this depon mant sayeth not. But enough upon that subject.
Mr. Wise then produced a letter which had been placed in his hands by Mr. Douglas, the Senator from King William, written to that gentlemen by Messrs. J. D. Imboden and Jno. A. Harman, of Staunton.
It details a conversation with Mr. Stuart in the rotunda of the Exchange Hotel, in the course of which (as stated) Mr. S. saidthat the fact had been telegraphed to Mr. Wise; that the information he (Mr. S.) had upon the subject was from a source not accessible to the public, and there was no doubt of its truth.
Mr. Wise, after reading the letter, and a note from Mr. Douglas, saying he did not regard it as of such a character as to be withheld, proceeded to remark that there was not, so far as he was concerned, one word of truth in the report.
He could not say that some one did not undertake to telegraph him on t
it?
Did he tell the truth, in a round about interrogatory way, at Indianapolis?-- then what are we to understand by his talk at Cincinnati?
In fact, what are we to make of the rail splitting phenomenon angry?--his speeches in the canvass with Douglas were sensible.
His speeches on the way to the presidential mansion are arrant nonsense. -- Douglas always declared that his speeches in the Senatorial campaign were written for him. Suspect this is the fact.
The man is excessively weak in inteDouglas always declared that his speeches in the Senatorial campaign were written for him. Suspect this is the fact.
The man is excessively weak in intellect.
But those who know the tell me he has great moral firmness.
Can Seward on whose assertions Virginians have placed so much reliance, and with whom Virginians are going to form a Union party--can seaward control this obstinate, weak-headed creature.
Guthrie's variation on Crittenden's amendment has been definitely selected as the tune to which the Border States are expected to It will be opposed in the Peace Congress by Southern-Rights men. It contains no guarantees of power.
It s
ady hoarse.
He thanked them for the cordial and magnificent
reception they had given him. Not less did he thank them for the votes they gave him last fall, and quite as much he thanked them for the efficient aid they had given the cause which he represented, a cause which he would say was a good one.
He had one more word to say. He was given to understand that this reception was tendered not only by his own party supporters, but by men of all parties.--This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been elected and had been here on his way to Washington, as I am to-night, the Republicans should have joined his supporters in welcoming him just as his friends have joined with mine to-night.
If all do not join now to save the good old ship of the Union this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on another voyage.
He concluded by thanking all present for the devotion they have shown to the cause of the Union.
At the close of the speech, Mr. Lincoln was presented wit
ility was unfounded." Strange apprehension!
He thought the majority ought to rule, and the majority was to be the judge of the majority.
Very well: the popular majority against old Abe was above a million.
I was told last evening by a Federal judge, in whose court Lincoln used to practice, that he (Abe) is a good natured, free and easy, anecdote-telling, second-rate county court lawyer.
He never had the least pretensions to intellectual ability.
His speeches in the campaign against Douglas, were prepared by Republican committees.
"Do you think he is a Coercionist by nature?"
"Not at all."
"Can Seward control him?"
"He will be a nose of wax in Seward's hands."
Union-idolaters in Virginia, who look to Seward as their party leader in the future, may derive some comfort from the above statement.
But the New York Journal of Commerce, commenting favorably on the choice of provisional officers to preside over the Southern Confederation, has well said: "It i
oduce.
There is no disposition to purchase any imported articles, except to supply the daily consumption, with no change whatever in prices.
The domestic produce trade is limited for want of supplies prices are firm at former rates.
The work on the new Almaden quicksilver mines has been resumed.
The attempted caucus of the Douglas Democrats on the United States Senatorial question has failed.
The tendency of parties still favors a coalition between the Republicans and Northern Douglas sites on the one side, and between the chivalry wing of the Douglasites and the Breckinridge Democrats on the other, thus reducing the Legislature to two parties of about equal strength.
With the latter coalition General Denver stands the best chance, while the Republicans and Northern Douglasites are giving a divided support to Messrs. Randolph, Curry and McDougall, with poor prospects of harmonizing on either.
Several bills have been introduced in the Legislature, granting to indivi
f that was understood to-day, commerce and trade would resume its regular channels, and the country would again be prosperous.
Mr. Doolittle said this was not a coercive measure, but was one of peace.
Mr. Hunter was glad to learn that the Senator from Wisconsin did not vote for this bill as a coercive measure.
He hoped no party would commit itself to coercion; but, if such was not the intention, he saw no need of the bill.
Mr. Fegenden defended the policy of the bill.
Mr. Douglas thought the measure one of peace, and believed the offensive terms should be stricken out. He thought there were as many disunionists on the Northern side as on the Southern side of the Chamber.
He believed there was a plot to break up the Union under the pretence of preserving it.
Mr. Wade advocated the bill.
He hoped its friends would not kill it by talking about it.
Mr. Green opposed the bill.
At the hour of one o'clock the Senate went into secret session.
The Sen
From Washington. [Special Correspondence of the Dispatch.] Washington, Feb. 26, 1861.
Lincoln visited his Capitol yesterday.
In the Senate he was received with distinguished consideration on the Republican side.
Douglas limped up to him and greeted him lovingly.
He came over to the Democratic side, walked slowly around, no one taking the slightest notice of him, looked at a map, and plunk out. In the House, Emerson Etheridge played ring-master, took Lincoln out of Seward's hands, and introduced him to the Republicans, who crowded around him with servile promptness, making such confusion that the business of the House was for a time suspended.
When he came over to the Democratic side, he stood fully a minute before any one seemed to be aware of his presence.
Hi countenance fell; he placed both hands of the back of a chair, and his form seemed to droop and give way under the humiliating embarrassment.
To relieve him, Republicans hastened from their side to surround him a
the Corwin amendment — interview between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln--the Southern Confederacyyeas 128, nays 65.
Interview between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln.
A Washington dispatcowing particulars of an interview between Senator Douglas and Mr. Lincoln:
The appearance of Judge Douglas early Tuesday evening in close conversation with the confidential friends and adviserountry and the salvation of the Union.
Mr. Douglas found that the Convention was truly on the nia Congressional delegation.
Consequently Mr. Douglas withdrew until the Interview ended, when Mr. Lincoln seat a message for Mr. Douglas.
The latter informed Mr. Lincoln that he had sought this s in the Conference, and save the country.
Mr. Douglas did not desire Mr. L. to explain his views stened respectfully and kindly, and assured Mr. Douglas that his mind was engrossed with the great is friends, and, it is said, the appeal of Judge Douglas was the subject under discussion.
What th
ate.--The Committee of Conference on the disagreeing votes on the Indian Appropriation bill, made a report, which was read and agreed to. So the bill stands passed.
A large number of memorials on the present crisis, were presented and laid on the table.
The Journal having stated that the House resolutions for amending the Constitution were read yesterday a first and second time.
Mr. Sumner moved to amend by striking out "second time."
After considerable discussion by Messrs. Douglas, Sumner and Pugh, the Senate agreed to read the (Corwin) resolutions a second time — yeas 31, nays 5.
Pending which, Mr. Collamer presented the credentials of Hon. J. Collamer, Senator elect from the 4th of March next from Vermont.
House.--The Speaker laid before the House a communication from the President of the United States relative to the seizure of the United States Mint at New Orleans.
Also, a communication from the same relative to the stationing of United States troo
