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Power in the Lib. 26.178. election of James Buchanan—a typical Northern doughface Lib. 26.125. —to the Presidency in November, over John C. Fremont, with three parties in the field and only one issue, was in fact the Bunker Hill of that Revolution. Between these events, of the first political importance, occurred the beating of Charles Sumner in his seat in the Senate Chamber May 22, 1856; Lib. 26.87. of the United States by the nephew of one of his colleagues, a Representative from South Carolina, Preston S. Brooks. The speech which drew down upon the Massachusetts Senator this murderous assault, was entitled The Crime against Kansas; and the assault itself was merely a part of that crime. Jefferson Davis, Pierce's Secretary of War, wielding all the power of the Lib. 26:[30], [151]. Administration in support of the pro-slavery invaders of Kansas, publicly approved Brooks's action. Senator Douglas, the Lib. 26.173. arch-contriver of the Kansas iniquity, witnessed without emot
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 17: the disunion Convention.—1857. (search)
r, than that. This is the question: Are we of the North not bound in a Union with slaveholders, whereby they are enabled to hold four millions of our countrymen in bondage, with all safety and impunity? Is not Massachusetts in alliance with South Carolina, Rhode Island with Georgia, Maine with Alabama, Vermont with Mississippi, giving the strength of this nation to the side of the dealer in human flesh? My difficulty, therefore, is a moral one. The Union was formed at the expense of the slav the disunion abolitionists. Even those of the Colonization Society had from the first purchased immunity solely by abstaining from any implication that slavery was a moral evil, and confining their pity to the free blacks. Senator Hayne of South Carolina, in a speech on the Panama question in the spring of 1826, became the mouthpiece of the Slave Power in a way that should have convinced Channing of the futility of his panacea. On the slave question, said the haughty Southerner, my opinion i
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 18: the irrepressible Conflict.—1858. (search)
to the Union. He reminded them that the Supreme Court had adjudged that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, Lib. 28.28. and that Kansas is therefore at this moment as much a slave State as Georgia or South Carolina. The popular demonstrations against this policy, the Lib. 28.27, 28, 48. resistance promised by the Legislature of Kansas, Lib. 28.34. Douglas's adverse report in the Senate, Crittenden's attempt to Lib. 28.59; Wilson's Rise and Fall ofepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. (search)
The Democratic Party breaks in two at Charleston, and Lincoln is elected President. Garrison hails the secession of South Carolina as the end of the old Union and of slavery. The lamentable tragedy at Harper's Ferry is clearly traceable to the uosen Lib. 30.184. a President of the United States. . . . Lincoln is in place, Garrison in power. The Governor of South Carolina, after the October handwriting on the wall, had called an extra session of Lib. 30.171, 181. the Legislature to provtion, of a representation for slaves—for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons ... The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that, without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not idiotic. At last, the covenant with death is annulled, and the agreement with hell broken—at least by the action of South Carolina, and ere long by all the slaveholding States, for their doom is one. Joy! But, alas! not by Northern manhood, con
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