hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
China (China) 168 0 Browse Search
Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) 166 0 Browse Search
White 164 0 Browse Search
William P. Kellogg 146 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 144 0 Browse Search
Henry C. Warmoth 134 0 Browse Search
San Francisco (California, United States) 126 0 Browse Search
Philip Sheridan 120 0 Browse Search
Grant 90 48 Browse Search
William Pitt Kellogg 74 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of William Hepworth Dixon, White Conquest: Volume 2. Search the whole document.

Found 95 total hits in 39 results.

1 2 3 4
De Trobriand (search for this): chapter 8
essure was put on coloured voters; Third: that many of the Negroes wish to get rid of Kellogg; Fourth: that the Returning Board was unlawfully constituted and made false returns; Fifth: that the Assembly was transacting business when De Trobriand drove the Conservative Members out of their seats by force. A Report, embodying these five facts, has been presented to Congress, and has roused the country like a crash of war. The full Committee is coming down, but no one thinks the four ning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often applied by lawyers to the lowest tools of a despotic power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bitterness unequalled since the war. Should President Grant back down, repudiating Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where
Cleveland (search for this): chapter 8
facts, has been presented to Congress, and has roused the country like a crash of war. The full Committee is coming down, but no one thinks the four Members who have not been here will contradict the three who have. From east to west, the country seems to be aflame. Quick, sensitive, meridional as are the men of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland; Cincinnati calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President Lincoln's death, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often applied by lawyers to the
Bryant (search for this): chapter 8
ck, sensitive, meridional as are the men of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland; Cincinnati calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President Lincoln's death, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often applied by lawyers to the lowest tools of a despotic power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bitterness unequalled since the war. Should President Grant back down, repudiating Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where, in such. a reign of anarchy, will the legal government of the State reside?
McEnery (search for this): chapter 8
Conservatives. An aide-de-camp brings us an invitation from General McEnery to visit the Conservative headquarters in Canal Street; and intart from our hotel, now known as Headquarters of the Gulf. General McEnery occupies a suite of rooms in Canal Street, looking on the effi mockeries and burlesques. On entering the cabinet, we find Governor McEnery, Lieutenant-governor Penn, and several Senators, who decline till not be easily beaten from the ground they once take up. General McEnery is a small man, something like President Grant in face, with mty lies. All three are gentlemen of property. We claim, says General McEnery, to represent ninety-five per cent. of all the property in th, supported by a Black police, you have abuse. Is it true, General McEnery, that Conservatives, as a rule, object to giving Negroes politsands will vote for us when the Federal troops retire. From General McEnery's cabinet we go to the Conservative Lower House, in St. Louis
Grant (search for this): chapter 8
they will not be easily beaten from the ground they once take up. General McEnery is a small man, something like President Grant in face, with meditative eyes, and dreamy features, half-concealed by thick whiskers and heavy moustache. General Perman has sent these warnings on to Washington, marked by him with the significant words- for the personal perusal of General Grant. What say the Sub-Committee? Foster of Ohio, and Phelps of New Jersey, agree with Potter of New York, in a Reportth, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intest tools of a despotic power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bitterness unequalled since the war. Should President Grant back down, repudiating Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where, in such. a reign of anarchy, will the legal governme
Stephen B. Packard (search for this): chapter 8
afford to wait. Of course, we suffer by delay; but we should suffer more by violence. The gentlemen sitting on these benches either own, or represent men who own, nearly all the stores and ships, the magazines, hotels, and banks, of New Orleans. Can you fancy they have any interest in disorder? If a pane of glass is broken, we have to bear the loss. The scalawags have nothing to risk except their skins, stand they are careful not to risk their skins. What can it matter to Kellogg and Packard, Antoine and Pinchback, whether property declines or not? We stake our all on peace and order; but our brethren in the northern cities have yet to understand this fact. Events are teaching them, and teaching them very fast. In crossing the French quarter we meet Senator Trimble, a Republican of local name.- A Southerner and a Republican? Well, answers Senator Trimble, like many of my old party, I am becoming rather cautious in my theories. Events are shaking my belief in platf
Fonblanque (search for this): chapter 8
Chapter 8: the Conservatives. An aide-de-camp brings us an invitation from General McEnery to visit the Conservative headquarters in Canal Street; and in company of my old friend Consul De Fonblanque we start from our hotel, now known as Headquarters of the Gulf. General McEnery occupies a suite of rooms in Canal Street, looking on the effigies of Henry Clay, in which apartments he holds a modest court. You're not afraid to enter, asks a senator, meeting us on the stairs, although we are banditti? No, we are not afraid. Some wag has gummed a caricature of Sheridan to the wall. The general is represented as a dog snapping at a Louisiana cavalry officer. Poor stuff, says the Senator, passing in; poor stuff-but boys will have their fun. We have the Southern genius, and our boys delight in mockeries and burlesques. On entering the cabinet, we find Governor McEnery, Lieutenant-governor Penn, and several Senators, who decline to sit with Kellogg's group, under the presidency
Louis A. Wiltz (search for this): chapter 8
hen the Federal troops retire. From General McEnery's cabinet we go to the Conservative Lower House, in St. Louis Street, where we are cordially received by Speaker Wiltz. A man of spare figure, closely-cropped hair, and pale, wan face, the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz has an easy and yet resolute manner. As we enter the House Captain the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz has an easy and yet resolute manner. As we enter the House Captain Kidd is speaking; Kidd, a lawyer and a soldier, and of equal standing in the camp and at the bar. He proposes that the whole body of Conservative legislators shall march to the State House, lower down the street, and demand admission to their seats. Sixty-six gentlemen are present: the fifty-three members who are certified, and thirteen others who are wrongfully unseated by the Kellogg board. You profess to be a lawful House? we ask the Speaker. No, says Wiltz, in a decided tone; We claim to be a legal quorum ; but we call ourselves a caucus, not an assembly; for we mean to keep within the law, even in such things as words. While Kidd is urgi
William Pitt Kellogg (search for this): chapter 8
find Governor McEnery, Lieutenant-governor Penn, and several Senators, who decline to sit with Kellogg's group, under the presidency of Caesar C. Antoine. A more courteous and decorous body of gent the scalawags. A Conservative Negro Club exists in every parish in Louisiana; and in spite of Kellogg's promise that every Negro voting the Grant ticket shall have forty acres and a good mule, thourisk except their skins, stand they are careful not to risk their skins. What can it matter to Kellogg and Packard, Antoine and Pinchback, whether property declines or not? We stake our all on peacisposition to oppose the general government, but that the opposition to the State government by Kellogg and Antoine cannot be put down.... The present State government cannot maintain itself in powersual pressure was put on coloured voters; Third: that many of the Negroes wish to get rid of Kellogg; Fourth: that the Returning Board was unlawfully constituted and made false returns; Fif
Adams (search for this): chapter 8
uick, sensitive, meridional as are the men of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland; Cincinnati calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President Lincoln's death, has so much passion found a vent in speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of something like high treason to the commonwealth. Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often applied by lawyers to the lowest tools of a despotic power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bitterness unequalled since the war. Should President Grant back down, repudiating Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where, in such. a reign of anarchy, will the legal government of the State resid
1 2 3 4