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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 17. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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1793 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
e or summon it to its bar. Nor could its decree be final. For it is a maxim of our jurisprudence uttered by Jefferson, and reiterated by Lincoln in his first inaugural address, that its decisions may be reconsidered and reversed and bind only the clients. Secession preached and threatened in all sections—the Northern record for it and against extension of the Union. Recall the history of the doctrine; forget not that the first mutterings of secession had come from the North as early as 1793, in opposition to the threatened war with England, when the sentiments uttered by Theodore Dwight in his letter to Wolcott were widespread. Sooner would ninety-nine out of a hundred of our inhabitants separate from the Union than plunge themselves into an abyss of misery. Nullification broke out in the South in 1798, led by Jefferson, and again in 1830, led by Calhoun; but in turn secession or nullification was preached in and out of Congress, in State Legislatures, in mass-meetings and c
January (search for this): chapter 1.10
ch he maintained throughout his parliamentary career. John Quincy Adams is said to have predicted on hearing it that he would make his mark, and his prophecy was very soon fulfilled. He advocated, in a resolution offered by himself, the very first month of his service, the conversion of some of the military posts into schools of instruction, and the substitution of detachments furnished proportionately by the States for the garrisons of enlisted men; and on the 29th of the same month made a foughout all the Northwest, where Ohio was the State most threatened, the troops of Kentucky formed the bulk of the American army, and it was a charge of their mounted riflemen which at a blow won the battle of the Thames. Again, on the famous January morning, when it seemed as if the fair Creole city was already in Packenham's grasp, it was the wild soldiery of Tennessee who, laying behind their mud breastworks, peered out through the lifting fog at the scarlet array of the English veterans
1787 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
tion between large planters of the South and ship-owners and slave traders of the North. Fine exhibition, too, was that of unselfish Southern patriotism when in 1787, by Southern votes and Virginia's generosity, and under Jefferson's lead, the great northwestern territory was given to the Union and to freedom. Unity of Amerionstitution ordained. When independence was declared at Philadelphia, in 1776, America was yet a unit in the possession of slaves, and when the Constitution of 1787 was ordained the institution still existed in every one of the thirteen States, save Massachusetts only. True, its decay had begun where it was no longer profitabthis the cause of Southern contention for territorial rights in Kansas and Nebraska. Having given the North generous advantages in the northwestern territory in 1787, and foreseeing the doom of her institutions and the upheaval of her society, with the balance of power lost to her, and unable to maintain herself in the Union on
August 18th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
s made to buy them from the United States for the sole use of Federal prisoners. No answer was made. 6. Then offer was made to deliver the sick and wounded without any equivalent in exchange. There was no reply for months. 7. Finally, and as soon as the United States would receive them, thousands of both sick and well were delivered without exchange. The record leaves no doubt as to the responsibility for refusal to exchange. General Grant assumed it, saying in his letter of August 18, 1864: It is hard on our men in Southern prisons not to exchange them, but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. If we commence a system of exchanges which liberates all prisoners taken, we will have to fight on until the whole South is exterminated. If we hold those caught they amount to no more than dead men. At this particular time, to release all rebel prisoners North, would insure Sherman's defeat and would compromise our own safety here. Alexander H. Steph
November 9th, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
ton and Hamilton, on the one side, to George Clinton and George Mason, on the other, who regarded the new system as anything but an experiment entered upon by the States, and from which each and every State had the right to peaceably withdraw—a right which was very likely to be exercised. Contemporary Northern opinions of secession. Recall the contemporary opinions of Northern publicists and leading journals. The New York Herald considered coercion out of the question. On the 9th of November, 1860, the New York Tribune, Horace Greeley being the editor, said: If the cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists nevertheless, and we do not see how one party can have the right to do what another party has a right to prevent. We must ever resist the asserted right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify or defy the laws thereof; to w
1798 AD (search for this): chapter 1.10
d its meaning; that had not been rung in his ears and stamped upon his heart from the hour when his father baptized him in the name of Jefferson and he first saw the light in a Commonwealth that was yet vocal with the States'-Rights Resolutions of 1798. A great representative of American principles and of Anglo-Saxon character. We cannot see the hand on the dial as it moves, but it does move nevertheless, and so surely as it keeps pace with the circling sun, so surely will the hour come whs uttered by Theodore Dwight in his letter to Wolcott were widespread. Sooner would ninety-nine out of a hundred of our inhabitants separate from the Union than plunge themselves into an abyss of misery. Nullification broke out in the South in 1798, led by Jefferson, and again in 1830, led by Calhoun; but in turn secession or nullification was preached in and out of Congress, in State Legislatures, in mass-meetings and conventions in 1803, 1812 and in 1844 to 1850, and in each case in opposi
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