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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
Lord Stanhope at Chevening Park, where I slept in the room which was occupied for three years by Lord Chatham; one day at Argyll Lodge with the duke, where I met Gladstone; one day with Dr. Lushington at Ockham Park in Surrey; one day with my countryman Motley, the historian of the Dutch commonwealth, at Walton-on-Thames; one day wguests at Kingston Hall and Teddesley Park. and here I am He was obliged to decline the invitation of Lord Wensleydale to visit him at Ampthill Park.. . . . Mr. Gladstone was full of hope for Italy. Lord Clarendon was very pleasant and gay. Shirley Brooks, (1816-1874.) Connected with Punch, as contributor or editor, fromrt he has left which will be remembered? Not one! Seward's defence of the negro Freeman is worth more for fame than the whole forensic life of Choate. I heard Gladstone say lately in London that it was the finest forensic effort in the English language. Sumner wrote to Longfellow from Montpellier, March 4, 1859:— Yes,
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), Biographical: officers of civil and military organizations. (search)
f twenty-five years, filling positions in war and peace of great public trust, did not in the least degree betray the confidence which his people had reposed in him. That his career is open to adverse criticism will be conceded by his most reverent friends; but that his name, now that he is dead, should be made to wear the chains which generous justice broke from about his imprisoned living body, will not be claimed by the present generation of fair-minded Americans. It is reported that Mr. Gladstone said in 1861 of Jefferson Davis that he had created a nation, while at the same time it was being urged upon England that he was attempting to take a nation's life. Neither statement was exactly true. Mr. Davis had not created a nation. He was but the executive head of a republic which the intelligent free people of a number of large and powerful States had created. Nor had he attempted the destruction of the United States, for that government remained the same living political orga
on passed out of mind. There were contemporaneous and more significant events that absorbed the public attention. On the same day Vicksburg capitulated, and four days later Port Hudson fell. On the day before, Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania had terminated adversely in his decisive defeat at Gettysburg. Before this momentous July 3d and 4th, the sympathy of the French and English was approaching the point of intervention in favor of the South. Napoleon III was actively advocating it. Gladstone, the grand old man, openly eulogized the Confederates. His touching reference to that heroic people, struggling for independence, is yet remembered against him in Wall street. A majority of the British cabinet was in favor of recognition. The motion of Roebuck for intervention had been offered in the house of commons. If once put to the house its passage was a foregone conclusion. The London Times exulted over Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania. But while parliament was becoming daily mor
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 12. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Within a Stone's throw of independence at Gettysburg. (search)
won Gettysburg, and Independence, but for the failure of one man. But it is not generally known that just at this crisis England was on the eve of recognizing the Confederacy, and was only prevented from doing so by our defeat at Gettysburg. The story is thus told by an English statesman, as quoted by the London Morning Advertiser. I am able to speak with knowledge on this subject; and I affirm, without fear of contradiction, that Mr. Disraeli, although never committing himself—as Mr. Gladstone and Lord John Russell did—to the principles for which the Southern Confederacy was fighting, always regarded recognition as a possible card to play, and was quite prepared, at the proper moment, to play it. The moment seemed to have come when General Lee invaded the Federal States, after having shattered the strength of the Northern invasion. At that time it was notorious that the bulk of the Tory party and more than half of the Ministerialists were prepared for such a step. Mr. Lindsa
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 20. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.25 (search)
of amusing the rural population should be included, I should rather recommend a circus or something of that kind. But I am quite certain if you attempt to amuse them by giving them parish councils you will not satisfy the demand you have raised. I looked for the reply to these gibes of Lord Salisbury by some of the politicians opposed to him, and I found it (and had it copied from the London Times of April 21st) in a speech by Sir William Harcourt, who is thought likely to be one day Mr. Gladstone's successor. He said: We want to give life, occupation, interest to the villagers. We do not ridicule them and tell them to go to a circus. We want these men to have an interest in and an authority over their own affairs, to have something to fill their minds and hearts on the long, dull, dreary round of weekly labor-something that will give them a sense of security for themselves and their families and not a sense of dependence upon the variable and eleemosynary favors of others,
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.20 (search)
w few of them know and are grateful to the statesman who did most to give it a permanent place in our fiscal system! On the subject of the tariff, Mr. Hunter followed the teachings of Adam Smith, Ricardo, McCulloch and the great political economists of Europe, whose works have built up the doctrine of free exchange of products, upheld in this country by Jefferson, Calhoun, Silas Wright, and numbers of our greatest thinkers and patriots, and held abroad by Peel, Cobden, Bright, Bastiat and Gladstone. Alexandria Retrocession. In the same Congress he actively and most wisely promoted the retrocession of Alexandria to Virginia—a policy dear to every heart in the Commonwealth, and destined, as I hope, never to be surrendered at the bidding of alien speculators and jobbers. The long and dangerous contention with England over the Oregon boundary was also settled at this Congress by the wise and patriotic statesmanship of Webster, Calhoun and Benton. In this patriotic work Mr. Hunter
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The Confederate cause and its defenders. (search)
overning classes, were on the side of the South; that by far the greater number of the aristocracy of the official world, of Members of Parliament, of Military and Naval men were for the South; that London Club life was virtually Southern; and that the most powerful papers in London, and the most popular papers as well, were open partizans of the Southern Confederation. Lord Russell said the contest was one in which the North was striving for empire, and the South for independence. Mr. Gladstone said, our President, Mr. Davis, had made an army, had made a navy, and had made a nation. And it is as certain as anything that did not happen can be, that but for the fall of Vicksburg, and our failure to succeed at Gettysburg in July, 1863 (both of which disasters came on us at the same time), Mr. Roebuck's motion in Parliament for recognition by England, which the Emporer Napoleon also was working hard to bring about, would have been carried, and the Confederacy would then have bee
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 26. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Index. (search)
oster, General John C., 19. Franklin. Battle of, 240. Frayser, Captain R. E., 87. Frobel, Colonel B. W., 142. Furman's Light Artillery, 238. Gaines' Mill, Battle of, 146. Garnett, Surg., A. Y. P., 15. Garnett, Hon. James M.; his life and character, 347. Garnett, Prof., Jas. M., 347. Garnett, Hon. T. S., 315. Geneva Commission; Finding of the, 219. Germanna Ford, Battle of, 25. Gettysburg, Battle of, 12, 116; Causes of Defeat at, 127. Gilham, Col., Wm.. 242. Gladstone, Hon. W. E, 332. Glennan, M , 167. Gordon, Col. A. M.; killed, 7. Gorgas, Gen., Josiah, 366. Graves, Gen. B., 16. Greeley, Horace, 325, 329. Greg. Percy, 332. Grigsby, Hugh Blair, 351. Guthrie, Rev., Donald, 372. Hampden-Sidney College, 258, 289. Hamilton, Alex., 189. Hamilton, Capt., James, 105. Hammond, Lieu't., killed, Hanover C. H.; Engagement at, 249. Harper's Ferry, Va., 139 Hawes, Samuel P., 259. Hay, Mary Eliza, 33. Hayes, General; captured, 8. Henry, Win.
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.31 (search)
n. The vignettes on several issues of the Confederate States' bank notes fairly represent Mr. Benjamin's handsome features. I once requested his opinion of Gladstone and D'Israeli, not as orators, but simply from a general intellectual point of view, and that comparatively. His answer was brief, positive and conservative, and, as nearly as I can recall, it ran in this wise: I regard Mr. Gladstone as the strongest and soundest man intellectually. His ideals are nobler, higher. He is the greater statesman, with greater depth and breadth. His versatility as a scholar is marvelous; his capacity for persistent and tireless work wonderful. He is w convictions; yet many of his most famous and grandest public utterances lack sincerity. He is entirely different and opposite in mind, matter and method from Mr. Gladstone—in fact, the two men are so differently endowed, so variously equipped intellectually, it is difficult, and it may be unfair, to compare them by any ordinary s
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 32. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.50 (search)
what light are we, this triumphant American people of the nineteenth century, to appear before posterity weighted with the damning image of our most conspicuous enemy thus tied by us to the stake and tortured by us with worse than Indian tortures? We make and seek to make no party issues with any man or men on this matter. It is the honor, the humanity, the Christianity, the civilization of the American republic which are involved. A case in Point. Since the eloquent pen of Mr. Gladstone, near a score of years ago, concentrated the indignation of the civilized world upon the barbarous treatment inflicted by the Bourbon rulers of Naples upon Baron Poerio and his fellow-captives, there has been no such revelation as this of the brutality to which men may be tempted by political passion, and it is intolerable that the scandals of Ischia and San Elmo should be paralleled in the sacred name of liberty within the walls of Fortress Monroe. We abstain purposely from discussing