Early marriages.
--The returns for 1800 show, as usual, an increasing number of early marriages.
In 1841, of the men who married in England, only 4.38 per cent. were under 21; in 1860 the proportion had risen to 6.35.
Of the women married, the proportion under age in 1841 was only 13.29 per cent; in 1860 it was 19.35.
Every year, above 2,000 girls are married under 18, when neither mind nor body has attained maturity above 30,000 are married under 21.
Within the last twenty years the number of persons who marry under age has doubled, though marriages have not increased much more than 40 per cent. The increase of early marriages has been most rapid in the prosperous ten years 1851.'60.
In Bedfordshire.
Northamptonshire and Huntingdonshire, where the straw-plait and lace manufactures place so many girls in a condition of some independence, a fourth of those who marry, marry under age. The proportion is as high in Staffordshire, the West Riding and Durham.
It is low in the me
il, while another conceived in folly and executed against all the rules of military science may succeed.
In such cases the public never fail to set down the first as an enterprise of such a nature that it could have succeeded in no possible combination of circumstances, while they always applaud the last as the perfection of wisdom.
The little fortress of Bard — so insignificant that it was entirely overlooked in the plan of campaign — was near baffling Napoleon in his advance upon Milan in 1800, and shutting up his army in the narrow Valley of Aosta, to be destroyed at leisure by the Austrians.
The sagacity of a peasant, by conducting the corps of the Prussian Gen. Bulow along the road that led immediately to the flank and rear of the French army when several others presented themselves, saved the English army from utter destruction at Waterloo.
If, in the first case, the unforeseen obstacle had caused the failure of the enterprise, the class of persons who judge of merit only by
informed of the death of Lady Macbeth he said, "She should have died hereafter." We should reverse the remark in applying it to the deceased Kentuckian.
He should have died heretofore.
In two years he had lived down a pretty fair name and ruined a respectable standing among the second class of statesmen this side the Atlantic.
He had to violated all his professions and proved so faithless to his declarations and pledges, made at every stage of the discussion of the Crittenden Compromise in 1800-'61, that he forfeited every claim to the respect and consideration of the people of the South, while he brought upon himself the contempt of those of the North.
In the discussion of the Compromise he was treated with derision by the North.
His ignoble submission to the Lincoln Government lowered him still further in their estimation.
Bad men accept the benefit of base actions which, even among them, can ex no admiration.
The spasmodic cut-rate on the subject of State rights which, under
Lord Campbell.
--Lord John Campbell, whose speech we published a few days since, is now about 82 years of age. He was educated at a Scotch university; went to London in 1800 as a law student, and commenced practice in 1806.
He is the son of a Scotch clergyman, and whilst studying for his profession wrote law reports and theatrical criticisms for the London Chronicle. He soon acquired practice and married a daughter of Sir James Geariett.
In 1830 he was elected to Parliament for the borough of Stafford.
In 1834 he was made Attorney General.
In 1841 he was made Lord Chancellor of Ireland.
In 1841 he was created a Baron.
From that time till 1850 he devoted himself to literary pursuits, and published the Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of the Seal, from the earliest time to the reign of George the IV.
It was a great work, in seven volumes.
Following that was the Lives of the Chief Justices of England from the Norman Conquest to the death of Lord Mansfield.
In 1830,
effersonian Democracy are too, than to need more than a political hard book!
We need only manliness and courage — those of us that think aright, to carry our point.
Yes, we need one thing more.
You can do it — each one in his town and in his county!
We need organization!
That is all we want!
And then to say distinctly that only those who keep step to the music of the principles of local self government, and of State independence, as accepted by the people of these States in the year 1800, at the mouth of Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, thereby saving the then raw and endow Union from the disruption that John Adams and New England had brought it to the brink of that only such are to be recognized as Democrats, and that no man, who does not "revert to first principles," and pledge himself to maintain that "main foundation of the Democratic party"--the Kentucky resolutions of Jefferson — can receive, in these troubled times, the support of any true and honest Democrat.
Do this, <
The New Orleans (Yankee) Era is rejoicing over the establishment of negro free schools.
They contain 1800 public.
Paul Morpey, the chess player, has returned to New Orleans.
The Yankee papers say he is a persistent rebel.
A washerwoman is the most cruel person in the world.
She daily wrings men's bosoms.
.--From the beginning of these national party conventions we may date the beginning of our present troubles.
The first convention candidate was Martin Van Buren, and his convention successors, Harrison, Polk Taylor, poor Pierce, poor old Buchanan, and Lincoln, the joker, are a sorry catalogue.
The time has fully come when the responsible representatives of the people in Congress should again take this matter of the Presidential nominations into their own hands.
Under this system — from 1800 to 1824--we had such Presidents as Jefferson, Madison and Monroe; and in resuming it we are confident that a Congressional cancus will return to our first class men. Let the war and Union members of Congress, therefore, hold a conference or two and cause it to be understood that towards the close of the present session they will dominate a Union ticket for the Presidency, and these corrupt and demoralizing party conventions will be superseded.
In the meantime the events of the impending
nant at seventeen, Captain at twenty, Chief of Battalion at twenty-four, General of brigade at twenty-five, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Italy at twenty-six.
His great Generals were all, with scarcely a single exception, young men. The mean age of the eighteen Marshals whom he nominated on becoming Emperor was forty-four.
On the other hand, the principal Generals who opposed him, were, in the campaign of 1796, Beaulieu, nearly eighty; Wurmser, eighty; and Alvinzi, over seventy.
In 1800 Miles was General-in-Chief of the Austrian forces, who had served fifty years in the army.
In 1805 the French were opposed by Kulersoff, then sixty, while still more aged Generals directed the plan of operations.
In 1806 the French were opposed by the Duke of Brunswick, seventy-one; Hohenlope, sixty, and other old Generals who had served under the great Frederick; men, says Jomini, "exhumed from the Seven Years War," "whose faculties were frozen by age," "who had been buried for the last te
nalloyed evil, which might have been avoided without difficulty, which failed to obtain an object that was afterwards obtained, and might have been obtained at first without fighting at all, and which formed the first of a series of causes that led to the disastrous issue of the campaign.
Massena entered upon this campaign with a high reputation.
He had saved the Republic by his brilliant campaign of 1799--he had enabled Gen. Bonaparte to reconquer Italy by his obstinate defence of Genca in 1800--and, with inferior forces, he had baffled the Archduke Charles in Italy in 1805.
But this great blunder destroyed his reputation as a strategist and tactician forever.
He was recalled shortly after his retreat, and never again commanded a French army.--Napoleon, at St. Helena, apologized for him, by saying that his health was extremely had — that he made the campaign in a litter — that he could not reconnoitre on account of his continued illness — and that trusting to the report of others <
om fifty to eighty pounds of baggage.
Septimus Severus marched from Vienna to Rome, a distance of eight hundred miles, in forty days. Cæsar marched from Rome to the Sierra Morena, in Spain, a distance of four hundred and fifty leagues, twenty- three days.
The French, for general activity during a campaign, have no rivals.
In 1797, Napoleon, in less than four days, marched near fifty leagues, fought three battles, and captured more than twenty thousand prisoners.
In the campaign of 1800 Macdonald, wishing to prevent the escape of London, marched in a single day forty miles, crossing rivers, and climbing mountains and glaciers.
In 1805 the French infantry, pursuing the Archduke Ferdinand in his retreat from Ulm, marched thirty miles a day in terrible weather, and over roads almost impassable for artillery.
In the campaign of 1806 the French infantry pursued the Prussians at the rate of twenty-five to thirty miles per day. Napoleon marched fifty thousand men from Madrid
