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John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee: The Unwritten Story of Army Life 2 0 Browse Search
L. P. Brockett, Women's work in the civil war: a record of heroism, patriotism and patience 2 0 Browse Search
Allan Pinkerton, The spy in the rebellion; being a true history of the spy system of the United States Army during the late rebellion, revealing many secrets of the war hitherto not made public, compiled from official reports prepared for President Lincoln , General McClellan and the Provost-Marshal-General . 2 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 2 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 2 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4 2 0 Browse Search
A. J. Bennett, private , First Massachusetts Light Battery, The story of the First Massachusetts Light Battery , attached to the Sixth Army Corps : glance at events in the armies of the Potomac and Shenandoah, from the summer of 1861 to the autumn of 1864. 2 0 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: August 26, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: July 13, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
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James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen, Margaret Fuller Ossoli. (search)
is clear and elegant arrangement, and his polished tameness! So much the public could endure. It was when she touched Longfellow and Lowell that her audience, or that portion of it which dwelt round Boston, grew clamorously indignant. In revertionality in them, and, though they may be incorrect, they are not unfair. She frankly confesses to a coolness towards Mr. Longfellow, in consequence of the exaggerated praise bestowed upon him. When we see a person of moderate powers receive honors wdeep feeling, and some, though not much, poetic force. This may not be an adequate statement of the literary claims of Longfellow; but it certainly does not differ so widely from the probable final award as to give just ground for complaint against the critic. It is also recorded by Mr. Greeley that she only consented to review Longfellow's poems with the greatest reluctance, and at the editors particular request, assigning the wide divergence of her views of poetry from those of the author an
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen, Eminent women of the drama. (search)
The young couple. In 1850 the Bateman Children were taken to England, where, in all the great cities of the British Isles, they found even more favor than they had found at home. In August, 1852, they returned to America, and in 1856 they retired from the stage. Ellen was subsequently married and is now Mrs. Claude Greppo. Kate remained in retirement and studied acting. At length, in 1860, she reappeared on the stage, in the character of Evangeline, in a drama, by her mother, based on Longfellow's poem. The performance, though very pretty and pleasing, did not, however, make a deep impression upon the public mind. It was seen in many American cities, during the season of 1860-61, but was nowhere greeted with much enthusiasm. In fact, since the chief quality of the character of Evangeline is silent fortitude, its delineation affords but little scope for the vivid display of dramatic powers. The most that was possible for the actress was to look like a saintly sufferer and to be
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4, Chapter 7: the National Testimonial.—1866. (search)
, to which a national character was unmistakably given by the approving signatures—gladly appended in every case— of the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Chief Justice of Massachusetts, the State's Senators and Representatives in Congress, Senators and Representatives from sixteen other States (including Missouri), the Chief Justice of the United States, the President of the Senate, the eminent L. S. Foster. poets and litterateurs of the country, and leading citizens Emerson, Whittier, Longfellow, Lowell, Bryant. of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Chicago. The press also cordially endorsed the movement, which was so quietly initiated that Mr. Garrison knew nothing of it for several weeks, and was taken utterly by surprise when it was announced to him. The following is a transcript of the circular to the Public: National Testimonial to William Lloyd Garrison. The accomplishment of the Great Work of Emancipation in the United States directs our minds to the duty of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 1 (search)
ty is provincial toryism. Persons freshly returned from Europe, who have hearts, are at first disturbed by it, then straightway adopt it. Witness the C——'s. Longfellow, referring to the proneness of some persons to find little good in their own country after returning from Europe, wrote in his diary, Oct. 17, 1847: Sumner to d he suffered no reproach or loss of support from the mass of his party in the city; and the willing agents in its execution lost no favor, social or political. Longfellow wrote at this time, Sept. 15, 1850, in his diary:— The day has been blackened to me by reading of the passage of the Fugitive Slave bill in the House, Elig his review of Spanish literature, it is doing no injustice to Ticknor's rank in letters to say, that, unlike his contemporaries in Boston,—Bancroft, Prescott, Longfellow, and Holmes,—he has as an author left nothing of permanent interest to mankind. His social success abroad has been noted as a mystery, and referred, not to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
ame and Glory. Works, vol. II. pp. 1-54. Longfellow refers to the praise of the oration in his lmore so, than any other haunt of my life. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 92. The poet in his rep at Sumner's election as senator. Letter to Longfellow, May 18, 1851. Longfellow's Life, vol. II.Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 195. but Sumner, as senator, had the satisfaction, a few years later, of voting for his confirmall be explained elsewhere, but his visits to Longfellow were kept up with the same frequency as befoumner and Howe to come to Cambridge and join Longfellow and himself in keeping it alive. Between Drelcome with the family of W. H. Prescott, Longfellow in his diary, May 20, 1846, gives an accounttorian at his country home at Pepperell. To Longfellow and Prescott Sumner always brought foreign vccursed passport system be abolished? To Longfellow, from Fishkill on the Hudson, September 15: e the genius of Spain. Sumner, writing to Longfellow from Montpellier, France, Jan. 24, 1859, sai[14 more...]
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 31: the prison—discipline debates in Tremont Temple.—1846-1847. (search)
s in this country and abroad, and reminded Dwight of those which he had encountered within the year at the Frankfort Congress and elsewhere in Europe. Sumner made another speech, occupying two hours, on June 18, in which he reviewed the debate. Works, vol. i. pp. 486-529. The speech fills six columns of the Semi-Weekly Courier, July 5, 1847. Dr. Julius wrote from Berlin of this speech, It is excellent,—one of the most temperate, lucid, and convincing I have ever read in any debate. Longfellow wrote in his journal, June 18, 1847: Went to town to hear Sumner before the Prison Discipline Society. He made a very strong, manly speech. It was a kind of demolition of the Bastile and of——. The blank is for Eliot and Dwight. It repeated much that he had already said. The report, as written out by him, probably does not follow very closely his argument on that evening, but includes the remarks on different evenings which he particularly desired to have preserved. He did not undertak<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
he tradition is that he was obliged to select his guests with care when Sumner was invited, lest the feast should be marred by unseemly behavior on their part. Longfellow and his wife, made of far finer mould than their kin or their class, were, notwithstanding their connection with Mr. Appleton, as devotedly attached to Sumner aifest in their composition, and could have been no surprise to the Speaker. Palfrey, against whom a great clamor arose among the partisan Whigs of Boston, Longfellow wrote in his diary, Dec. 12, 1847: Sumner joined us at dinner. We talked over Palfrey's vote against Winthrop, which is making a tempest in the Boston tea-pot. The act partakes somewhat of the heroic. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 101. justified his vote in a formal statement two years later. A Letter to a Friend, 1850, pp. 12, 13. When Winthrop was a candidate for re-election in December, 1849, the Free Soil members, then increased to nine, again set up their objections to him,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
disturbed,—at Lyceum Hall, Cambridge, in the midst of the associations of his youth; where the students, some Southern, and others reflecting the sentiments of the ruling class in Boston, interrupted him with hisses and coarse exclamations. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 127. He bore the rudeness well, till at length he singled out the leader of the disturbance, who had made himself conspicuous by loud expressions of contempt at the speaker's comments on Taylor, and said: The young man who acter and his favorable situation in a community removed from the influence of Boston capital, perhaps brought more votes to the party than any one of the leaders See, for sketches of the Free Soil leaders, Boston Republican, Oct. 31, 1849. Longfellow's diary illustrates Sumner's tone of mind at this time:— June 24, 1848. Dined in town. Saw Sumner surrounded by his captains, Adams, Allen, and Phillips They are in great fervor touching their Anti-Taylor-and-Cass meeting in Worcester.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
people of Massachusetts. It was in conflict with the principles they had uniformly maintained, as well as with his general course as the representative of the State. See Sumner's letter to John Bigelow, May 22, 1850, post, p. 215. Still, Webster's efforts in Massachusetts in 1846 and 1847 to prevent slavery becoming the main political issue, and his lukewarm censures of the Mexican War, as well as his Creole letter of an earlier period, had already weakened Sumner's confidence in him. Longfellow was hardly surprised at the speech of March 7. He wrote in his journal, March 9, 1850: Yet what has there been in Webster's life to lead us to think that he would take any high moral ground on this slavery question? He was not, like Clay, the natural supporter of compromise. he wrote July 21, 1848: You need not fear that I shall vote for any compromises, or do anything inconsistent with the past. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 342. He had repeatedly affirmed his convictions ag
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
e indeed divided; Dr. Convers Francis and Longfellow were anti-Compromise. Longfellow's Life, voLongfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 192. but the activity there was on Webster's side. Felton was his partisan. Bowen, in tugh and spirited speech on that side. To Longfellow, January 24:— Dear Henry,—Whittier is xternal pressure which he could not resist. Longfellow wrote in his diary, April 8, 1850: Felton islen, fallen, fallen from his high estate! Longfellow's diary, March 9, 1850. Palfrey compared hims who had been chosen by the Legislature; Longfellow was disappointed and sad, and wrote to Sumne any great faith in your perfidious allies. Longfellow's Life, vol. II. p. 187. but the practical y after, he left the house and went out to Mr. Longfellow's, where he passed that afternoon and the y track then existing, across the Common, to Longfellow's. The writer said to Sumner on the way, Thiical revolution of the preceding year. To Longfellow, may 8:— I cannot repress me delight i[2 more...
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