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Phelps (search for this): chapter 8
some few nooks of sectarian pride, so secluded from the influence of present ideas as to be almost fossil in their character. The practical working of the slave system, the slave laws, the treatment of slaves, their food, the duration of their lives, their ignorance and moral condition, and the influence of Southern public opinion on their fate, have been spread out in a detail and with a fulness of evidence which no subject has ever received before in this country. Witness the works of Phelps, Bourne, Rankin, Grimke, the Antislavery record, and, above all, that encyclopaedia of facts and storehouse of arguments, the Thousand witnesses of Mr. Theodore D. Weld. He also prepared that full and valuable tract for the World's Convention called Slavery and the Internal Slave-Trade in the United States, published in London, 1841. Unique in antislavery literature is Mrs. Child's Appeal, one of the ablest of our weapons, and one of the finest efforts of her rare genius. The Princeton
Chairman (search for this): chapter 8
the Melodeon, Boston, January 27, 1858. Mr. Chairman: I have to present, from the business commibolition, without expatriation. I wish, Mr. Chairman, to notice some objections that have been mhave to say on these points will be to you, Mr. Chairman, very trite and familiar; but the facts may some service rendered to the slaves These, Mr. Chairman, are the reasons why we take care that theion has always been open and manly. But, Mr. Chairman, there is something in the blood which, meneshest laurels from that field. So much, Mr. Chairman, for our treatment of the Church. We clungdom and humanity, I thank them. No one, Mr. Chairman, deserves more of that honor than he whose the South still fears the most. After all, Mr. Chairman, this is no hard task. We know very well, e country must be cheated a second time. Mr. Chairman, when I remember the grand port of these metill, amid the hall Of that infernal court. Mr. Chairman, they got no further than the hall [Cheers[1 more...]
John Milton (search for this): chapter 8
at pygmean race Beyond the Indian mount; or fairy elves, Whose midnight revels, by a forest side Or fountain, some belated peasant sees. Thus incorporeal spirits to smallest forms Reduced their shapes immense, and were at large, Though without number still, amid the hall Of that infernal court. Mr. Chairman, they got no further than the hall [Cheers.] They were not, in the current phrase, a healthy party ! The healthy party-the men who made no compromise in order to come under that arch — Milton describes further on, where he says: But far within, And in their own dimensions, like themselves, The great seraphic lords and cherubim, In close recess and secret conclave, sat; A thousand demigods on golden seats Frequent and full. These were the healthy party! [Loud applause.] Thest are the Casses and the Houstons, the Footes and the Souls, the Clays, the Websters, and the Douglases, that bow no lofty forehead in the dust, but can find ample room and verge enough under the Constitut
W. I. Bowditch (search for this): chapter 8
rehensive views of Theodore D. Weld, Beriah Green, J. G. Fee, and the old work of Duncan. On the constitutional questions which have at various times arisen,--the citizenship of the colored man, the soundness of the Prigg decision, the constitutionality of the old Fugitive Slave Law, the true construction of the slave-surrender clause,--nothing has been added, either in the way of fact or argument, to the works of Jay, Weld, Alvan Stewart, E. G. Loring, S. E. Sewall, Richard Hildreth, W. I. Bowditch, the masterly essays of the Emancipator at New York and the Liberator at Boston, and the various addresses of the Massachusetts and American Societies for the last twenty years. The idea of the antislavery character of the Constitution,--the opiate with which Free Soil quiets its conscience for voting under a pro-slavery government,--I heard first suggested by Mr. Garrison in 1838. It was elaborately argued that year in all our antislavery gatherings, both here and in New York, and sust
Bourne (search for this): chapter 8
w nooks of sectarian pride, so secluded from the influence of present ideas as to be almost fossil in their character. The practical working of the slave system, the slave laws, the treatment of slaves, their food, the duration of their lives, their ignorance and moral condition, and the influence of Southern public opinion on their fate, have been spread out in a detail and with a fulness of evidence which no subject has ever received before in this country. Witness the works of Phelps, Bourne, Rankin, Grimke, the Antislavery record, and, above all, that encyclopaedia of facts and storehouse of arguments, the Thousand witnesses of Mr. Theodore D. Weld. He also prepared that full and valuable tract for the World's Convention called Slavery and the Internal Slave-Trade in the United States, published in London, 1841. Unique in antislavery literature is Mrs. Child's Appeal, one of the ablest of our weapons, and one of the finest efforts of her rare genius. The Princeton Review,
Charles Stuart (search for this): chapter 8
the famous Seventh of March Speech, in which, it will be remembered, he defended the Fugitive Slave Law, and fully committed himself to the Compromise Measures. Before taking his stand on that occasion, he is said to have corresponded with Professor Stuart, and other eminent divines, to ascertain how far the religious sentiment of the North would sustain him in the position he was about to assume. Some say this warm political friend was a clergyman! Consider a moment the language of this what superficial. The pro-slavery side of the question has been eagerly sustained by theological reviews and doctors of divinity without number, from the half-way and timid faltering of Wayland up to the unblushing and melancholy recklessness of Stuart. The argument on the other side has come wholly from the Abolitionists; for neither Dr. Hague nor Dr. Barnes can be said to have added anything to the wide research, critical acumen, and comprehensive views of Theodore D. Weld, Beriah Green, J.
William Goodell (search for this): chapter 8
vised to refuse their prayer, which was the abolition of slavery in the District. He doubted the power of Congress to abolish. His doubts were examined by Mr. William Goodell, in two letters of most acute logic, and of masterly ability. If Mr. Adams still retained his doubts, it is certain at least that he never expressed them athis portion of the question, so momentous among descendants of the Puritans,--have been discussed with great acuteness and rare common-sense by Messrs. Garrison, Goodell, Gerritt Smith, Pillsbury, and Foster. They have never attempted to judge the American Church by any standard except that which she has herself laid down,--nevernisters in Boston, to secure their co-operation in this cause. Our expectations of import assitace from them were, at that time, very sanguine. Testimony of William Goodell, in a recent work entitled Slavery and antislavery. In an address on Slavery and Colonization, delivered by Mr. Garrison in the Park Street Church, Boston
M. W. Chapman (search for this): chapter 8
Mr. Lysander Spooner, who has urged it with all his unrivalled ingenuity, laborious research, and close logic. He writes as a lawyer, and has no wish, I believe, to be ranked with any class of antislavery men. The influence of slavery on our government has received the profoundest philosophical investigation from th pen of Richard Hildreth, in his invaluable essay on Despotism in America, --a work which deserves a place by the side of the ablest political disquisitions of any age. Mrs. Chapman's survey of Ten years of antislavery experience, was the first attempt at a philosophical discussion of the various aspects of the antislavery cause, and the problems raised by its struggles with sect and party. You, Mr. Chairman, [Edmund Quincy, Esq.,] in the elaborate Reports of the Massachusetts Antislavery Society foo the last ten years, have followed in the same path, making to American literature a contribution of the highest value, and in a department where you have few rivals and
Lope Vega (search for this): chapter 8
hed to contrast slave labor and free labor, did not dare to compare New York with Virginia,--sister States, under the same government, planted by the same race, worshipping at the same altar, speaking the same language,--identical in all respects, save that one in which he wished to seek the contrast; but no; he compared it with Cuba,--[cheers and laughter,]--the contrast was so close! [Renewed cheers.] Catholic — Protestant; Spanish--Saxon; despotism — municipal institutions; readers of Lope de Vega and of Shakespeare; mutterers of the Masschildren of the Bible! But Virginia is too near home! So is Garrison! One would have thought there was something in the human breast which would sometimes break through policy. These noble-hearted men whom I have named must surely have found quite irksome the constant practice of what Dr. Gardiner used to call that despicable virtue, prudence ! [Laughter.] One would have thought, when they heard that name spoken with contempt, their ready eloqu
Henry Clay (search for this): chapter 8
by a Houston and a Cass, for a monument to be raised to Henry Clay! If that be the test of charity and courtesy, we cannotas pleasantly as before. When we think of such a man as Henry Clay, his long life, his mighty influence cast always into thto one of whose pamphlets Dr. Channing, in his Letter to Henry Clay, has confessed his obligation. Every one acquainted witin at least that he never expressed them afterward. When Mr. Clay paraded the same objections, the whole question of the po the antislavery movement, than that momentous event. Henry Clay attached the same importance to the ecclesiastical influed the subject of slavery to that body, and never would. Mr. Clay, in 1839, makes a speech for the Presidency, in which he hat he never has and never will discuss the subject. Yet Mr. Clay, from 1839 down to his death, hardly made a remarkable splavery, and lives to break with his party on this issue! Mr. Clay says it is moral treason to introduce the subject into Co
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