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ed at New York a few days since, brings London dates to May 1st. The chief interest of the news by this arrival centres upon a speech recently made by Mr. Gladestone, a prominent member of the British House of Commons, who has herotofore been regarded as an enemy to the Confederate cause. The speech is not given in the Northern papers, but a Baltimore journal of May 14th has the following reference to it: The mails of the Etua bring news of more than ordinary interest from Europe. Mr. Gladstone's speech at Stockton upon Tess, is regarded by the English journals as an official exposition of the views of the english Cabinet on American affairs and is not only favorably commented upon by the leading papers, but has been made the subject of comment by the Paris Constitutional, who praises Mr. Gladestone and the Morning Post, The official or semi-official. French journals, the Constitutional, the Patric, and the Pays, have, all of them, simultaneously with the Gladstone speech and
s in me, or, at all events, for such of it as I may send your readers. This task has been fulfilled for me by subsequent events. I refer you to the speech of Mr. Gladstone at Manchester, combined with certain articles there anent in the London "Times." The man and the place are both preeminently to the purpose. Manchester you ths. But let us not expect the people to be more than men or Englishmen. Their interests of party maintained silence in Manchester until the late appearance of Mr. Gladstone on that scene. This gentleman himself, as you know, is of the party, or rather he is somewhere between it and the whigs, as by a like transition he passed to ublic in your favor — But can it be that these things impose upon Americans? One of the said champions is the Manchester Orgas, and only mark be silence since Mr. Gladstone has spoken. The other is the London News, a paper of hundred politics, and, above all, a commercial rival of the Times. Whatsoever is espoused by the oligarch
Mr. Gladstone's speech --The London Post, of the 25th April, remarks editorially. Mr. Gladstone's speech at Manchester, yesterday, was spirited and eloquent. It was devoted to some two or three subjects, on each of which the Chancellor oMr. Gladstone's speech at Manchester, yesterday, was spirited and eloquent. It was devoted to some two or three subjects, on each of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed himself with originality and animation. Reform of Parliament Mr. Gladstone was prepared very resignedly to see it given up. Financial reform, however, he insisted on with much emphasis, especially complaining, but in the gMr. Gladstone was prepared very resignedly to see it given up. Financial reform, however, he insisted on with much emphasis, especially complaining, but in the general terms which on this subject he always adopts, of the excessive expenditure of the country. The eloquent speaker passed from this subject to the American war, and it is indubitable that the tone of his remark was somewhat favorable to the South. Mr. Gladstone's main argument was that it the South was heartily determined to be separated from the North, it would be impossible for the North to retain it; and secondly, that if it could, the heart-burnings and enmities which would remain wo
tion question — views of the London Press--Mr. Gladstone's speech on American affairs, &c., &c. longer withholding their recognition. Mr. Gladstone's speech. The following is a full report of Mr. Gladstone's speech on American affairs, at New Castle, England: I, for one, said tholonged cheers.] The London Press on Mr. Gladstone's speech. The London Times remarks that it can hardly be alleged that Mr. Gladstone has gone beyond the bounds of official reserve in the olly independent of moral considerations. Mr. Gladstone concludes very reasonably that the rebels,aily News says it does not find fault with Mr. Gladstone for recognizing the progress which the Sousent undecided. The London Star thinks Mr. Gladstone's speech will tend to revive among the reb moral support. The London Herald says Mr. Gladstone's words are of course not the more hap-hazn Shipping Gazette can hardly suppose that Mr. Gladstone expressed sentiments at variance with thos
to the popular apprehension what was known in the army before, that he possesses these qualities which conduce to success in the field. The question of recognition at Washington. A Washington telegram asserts that the declaration of Mr. Gladstone that the Confederates are a nation, does not produce the belief there that England is about to recognize them. But even should she recognize them, the writer says: It is not believed that it would, even if France joined England in makihere is great reason to believe that they would do, such intervention, renders it certain that it would light the flames of European war which might eventually cost the great man his easy chair of state. Such are some of the speculations which Gladstone's reported speech calls forth in diplomatic circles here. The second Convention of the Altoona Governors. The New York Herald has a Cincinnati dispatch stating that the Governors of Iowa, Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana, have gone to W
The Daily Dispatch: November 3, 1862., [Electronic resource], Capture of a Railroad train and ninety three Yankees. (search)
Mr. Gladstone's speech. That portion of this speech which refers to American affairs, and was published by us on Saturday, forms one of the most important documents that has yet been presented in the great cause of Yankee Doodle versus the Confederate States. The speaker is a member of the British Cabinet, and a very influen to regard it in the same light that we regard one of Napoleon's brochures, to feel the pulse of the nation before he takes a step of peculiar importance. Mr. Gladstone tells us that he has never thought it for the interest of Great Britain that the American Union should be destroyed. At the same time he does not think it forand "have made what is more than either of these --they have made a nation," The success of the South in separating from the North, may be regarded as certain--Mr. Gladstone thinks it as certain "as any event yet future and contingent can be." From that very certainty, and from the mortification which the Yankee; must suffer on acc
English and American dismemberment. Mr. Gladstone, in his last speech, significantly reminds the United States that England has passed through the same order of dismemberment which is their own inevitable doom, and invokes them to imitate her example of fortitude and . The North is not yet in a tempered receive this kind advice in the spirit in which it a tendered.--But that time must come, and when it does come and its angry passion are in some degree it will be able to console itset, at any rate, can apply to the Southern States, State sovereignty being an acknowledged principle of the creed of that party, and the General Government merely an agent of the co-partner ship of sovereign communities. The condolence of Mr. Gladstone with the United States are, in our opinion highly appropriate and well-timed and should be taken in good part by those to whom they are addressed. When he reminds them that this is the first of their crosses, and that they cannot expect to e
The Daily Dispatch: November 7, 1862., [Electronic resource], Later from Europe---speeches of English Statesmen. (search)
est would issue in the establishment of the independence of the South. He himself did not express that opinion; he did not say that he dissented from that opinion, but that was the general opinion in this country. At a dinner given to Viscount Palmerston to celebrate the inauguration of the Hartley Institution, the Earl of Hardwick, returning thanks for the House of Lords, said be had been much interested, as he had no doubt all in that room had been by the late exhibitions of one (Mr. Gladstone) of her Majesty's Ministers in the North. [Hear] He had read the speeches delivered by that right honorable gentleman with great attention and he saw in them undoubtedly a very laudable desire to be extremely popular with the inhabitants of the towns. There was one expression used for which be thanked that right honorable gentleman. That expression was this: that Mr. Jefferson Davis had made a nation. [Cheers.] All he would say with reference to that nation was God speed them.--[Chee
ester. He refrained from allusion to American affairs. It is reported that two Confederate privateers are in the Mediterranean, and they have already destroyed a dozen American vessels. It is said that Semmes commands one of them. Mr. Gladstone has made another speech at York, England, in which he again alluded to the affairs of America. He said, among other things: "I think we must believe that the longer this terrific struggle continues the more doubtful becomes the future of Ameily agreed. [Applause.] I do not think it possible to watch the course and current of public feeling, the tone of public declarations, and the action of our institutions, without seeing that an influence unfavorable to freedom has been strengthened by the unhappy experience of what may be called American Democracy. I earnestly trust that Englishmen will be upon their guard against that influence." [Hear, hear.] The London Globe censures Mr. Gladstone for his speech on American affairs.
arrived it could not be said, in accordance with the established doctrines of international law, that the independence of the Southern States had been established." This speech puts an end at once to all the pleasing visions in which gentlemen have been indulging with regard to a recognition by England, at any short date, or indeed, until we shall have fully established our independence by the valor of our soldiers. Incredulous as we are wont to be, we had almost begun to think, from Gladstone's speech, that the long expected time was approaching. It will never come until we shall no longer be in need of it. If we should be crushed — which we do not think possible — we shall not need it. If we should be victorious — which we think certain — we shall need it quite as little, and we hope that should any future treaty — that is, any treaty after the achievement of our independence — between us and Great Britain contain a clause acknowledging our independence, it may be struck