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ists here and bring the Republicans into power. But all this was now morally certain to be reversed. France, planting herself, as it were, at our back door, there erecting fortifications, and jealously scrutinizing, if not positively arresting, every one who should undertake to pass in or out, became inevitably and predominantly the object of American distrust and hostility. Upon learning of this important transfer, Mr. Jefferson (April 18, 1802) wrote to Mr. Livingston, our Minister at Paris, as follows: The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France, works most sorely on the United States. On this subject, the Secretary of State has written to you fully, yet I cannot forbear recurring to it personally, so deep is the impression it makes on my mind. It completely reverses all the political relations of the United States, and will form a new epoch in our political course. Of all nations of any consideration, France is the one which hitherto has offered the fe
remain until the 4th of March. On the first Monday in December, the Twenty-Eighth Congress reassembled, and the President laid before it, among others, a dispatch from Mr. Calhoun, dated August 12, 1844, to Hon. William R. King, our Minister at Paris, instructing him to represent to the French Government the advantages and the necessity of Annexation on many grounds, but especially on that of its tendency to uphold Slavery, primarily in Texas itself; but ultimately in the United States, and tction of this fort on the ground of its affording a harbor for runaway slaves and disaffected Indians: adding, they have no longer a place to fly to, and will not be so liable to abscond. The resistance interposed by Gen. Cass, our Minister at Paris in 1840-41, to the treaty negotiated between the Great Powers, conceding a mutual right to search on the slave-coast of Africa, with a view to the more effectual suppression of the Slave-Trade, though cloaked by a jealousy of British maritime pre
in the present note, affords all the assurance which the President can constitutionally, or to any useful purpose, give, of a practical concurrence with France and England in the wish not to disturb the possession of that island by Spain. Soon after the passage of the Nebraska bill, President Pierce, through a dispatch from Gov. Marcy as Secretary of State, Dated Washington, August 16, 1854. directed Messrs. James Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule, our Embassadors at London, Paris, and Madrid respectively, to convene in some European city, there to confer with regard to the best means of getting possession of Cuba. They met accordingly at Ostend, October 9, 1854. and sat three days; adjourning thence to Aix-la-Chapelle, where they held sweet council together for several days more, and the result of their deliberations was transmitted to our Government in a dispatch known as the Ostend Manifesto. In that dispatch, they say: We firmly believe that, in the cours
Morehead arrested; Zollicoffer captures Barboursville, 614; Breckinridge's Address, 615; Gen. Sherman succeeds Anderson, 615; the affairs at Wild-Cat and Piketon, 616; Schoepf's retreat; proceedings of the Secession Convention at Russellville, 617. Kentucky Yeoman, The, on fugitive slaves, 217. kidnapping, cases of, 217. Killinger, Mr., in American Convention. 247. King, Rufus, remarks in Convention, 42. King, Thomas Butler, goes to California, 201. King, Wm. R., Minister to Paris; is instructed by Calhoun as to Annexation, 169; denounces Clay's Compromise, 205; nominated for Vice-President, 222. Kingwood, Va., Union meeting at, 518. Knights of the Golden circle, their influence at the South, 350; do. in Kentucky, 493. Krum, John M., Mayor of Alton, 141. L. Lafayette, letter from Washington to, 51; letter from, in prison, 51; letter to Hamilton, 51; 254. Lamon, Col. Ward H., visits Charleston, 542. Lander, Gen., at the battle of Philippi, 522.
Colonel Theodore Lyman, With Grant and Meade from the Wilderness to Appomattox (ed. George R. Agassiz), IV. Cold Harbor (search)
stical ideas of the Marseillais, he told of a father who was showing to his son a brigade of Zouaves who had just come from Italy and were marching through the streets. Mon enfant! Vois-tu ces Zouaves? Eh bien, ils sont tous-e des Marseillais. Il y avait des Parisiens, mais on les a mis dans la musique! You remember that long, hot street there they call the Canebiere. A certain citizen, who had just been to see Paris with its present improvements, returned much gratified. Ah, said he, Paris est une bien jolie ville; si, ça avait une Canebiere, ça serait un petit Marseille. As an offset to which we must have an anecdote of this region. Did I ever tell you of Shaw, the valet of Hancock (formerly of General French)? This genius is a regular specimen of the ne'er-do-weel, roving, jack-of-all-trades Englishman. I fancy from his manner that he has once been a head servant or butler in some crack British regiment. He has that intense and impressive manner, only to be got, even by
h a large garrison, and ruled over by a mitigated form of martial law. Do the recurring disasters of half a dozen centuries prove that monarchy conveys not the slightest security against the worst of wars ? We will not send our readers abroad, to Paris, to Vienna, or to Warsaw, where civil war exists in its worst form, the helpless struggle of a brave people against omnipotent battalions. If the civil war in America proves any thing to the disparagement of democracy, what do the convulsions of which at present afflicts the United States the Cabinet at Washington has acted in strict conformity with public law, at least in intention, if not in actual practice. It has adhered to the declaration of neutral rights annexed to the Treaty of Paris, it has abolished the odious practice of privateering, and, in imitation of the policy of European nations, it has practically conceded belligerent rights to the enemy. It has not treated captured secessionists as traitors, but has extended to t
Wilkes. You have probably heard how, some three weeks ago, the little steamer Theodora, having on board the commissioners sent by the Confederate States of America to London and Paris, ran the blockade at Charleston, arriving safely in Havana. Once arrived there, they of course imagined that on neutral territory they were perfectly free and safe from all molestation, and therefore made no attempt to conceal their names, position, and intended movements. Mr. Slidell, the commissioner for Paris, was accompanied by his wife, son, and three daughters, and also by his secretary, Mr. G. Eustis, with his wife; Mr. Mason, the commissioner for England, being accompanied by his secretary, Mr. McFarland. It is well known in Havana that berths were booked for the whole party to proceed by this steamer to St. Thomas, there to join the homeward West India mail steamship for Southampton. They accordingly embarked yesterday morning, trusting to receive the same protection under the English fla
of nations, but in doing so we have demanded nothing for which we did not offer a fair equivalent. The advantages of intercourse are mutual amongst nations, and in seeking to establish diplomatic relations, we were only endeavoring to place that intercourse under the regulation of public law. Perhaps we had the right, if we had chosen to exercise it, to ask to know whether the principle that blockades, to be binding, must be effectual, so solemnly announced by the great Powers of Europe at Paris, is to be generally enforced or applied only to particular parties. When the Confederate States, at your last session, became a party to the declaration reaffirming this principle of international law, which has been recognized so long by publicists and Governments, we certainly supposed that it was to be universally enforced. The customary laws of nations are made up of their practice rather than their declarations; and if such declarations are only to be enforced in particular instance
he gave up the traitors, and o'er the side they went. Wilkes, having got them, wished they'd feel pleasant and at home, So offered his best cabins if their ladies chose to come; But they shook their heads, and merely smiled; I am sorry for to say Conjugality's at a discount down in the C. S. A. They coolly said unto their lords, “Our dresses all are new; What on earth would be the use of going back with you? And thoa we're very sorry that your plans are undone, We mean to pass the winter in Paris and in London. ‘Stead of bothering you, and sharing your prison beds and fetters, We'll write each mail from Europe the most delightful letters: Tell you of all we've done and seen, at party, ball, or play, To cheer your hearts, poor martyrs to Cotton and C. S. A.” So the two vessels parted; the San Jacinto went To unload her precious cargo, while the captain of the “Trent” Having lost a (probable) douceur which had seemed within his grip, We presume, for consolation, retired and took
a great jubilee on his vessel one evening, and had a large party there singing secession songs at the top of their voices, calling large crowds to the levee to hear them. I sent him a communication saying that such conduct must not be repeated on board his vessel, and that if it was I should send down a battery of artillery to prevent it. It did not recur. Meanwhile I was informed by the Secretary of State, verbally, that information had been received, through confidential channels, from Paris that Emperor Louis Napoleon had made substantially this proposition to the English government:-- That the two governments should unite in recognizing the independence of the Confederacy. That a treaty should then immediately be made with the Confederacy through Mason and Slidell. That Louis Napoleon, being promised aid by the rebels, should make an attack upon Mexico [which was afterwards made without their aid], for the purpose of establishing the empire of Maximilian, and that he shou