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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 12. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Jubal A. Early (search for this): chapter 66
And in this connection we call especial attention to the general scope and bearing of the biographical sketches given in the book— eleven very tame sketches of Confederates, and twenty-six sketches of Federals, most of the latter glowing eulogies. It will not do to say that the sketches are chiefly of Generals commanding armies, for many of the Federals sketched would not come under this head, while a number of Confederates who commanded armies, such as John B. Floyd, Henry A. Wise. J. A. Early, John B. Hood, S. D. Lee, Leonidas Polk, Stirling Price, Earl Van Dorn, Kirby Smith, Dick Taylor, Hardee, &c., are omitted. The truth is the Confederates largely outnumbered the Federals in men worthy of places in general history, and for Southern schools it is unpardonable to omit such names as Ashby, Stuart, Forrest, Hampton, Ewell, A. P. Hill, Pat. Cleburne, M. F. Maury, Buchanan, and scores of others who should be household words among our people. The sketches of Lee and Jackson
A. P. Hill (search for this): chapter 66
he Federals sketched would not come under this head, while a number of Confederates who commanded armies, such as John B. Floyd, Henry A. Wise. J. A. Early, John B. Hood, S. D. Lee, Leonidas Polk, Stirling Price, Earl Van Dorn, Kirby Smith, Dick Taylor, Hardee, &c., are omitted. The truth is the Confederates largely outnumbered the Federals in men worthy of places in general history, and for Southern schools it is unpardonable to omit such names as Ashby, Stuart, Forrest, Hampton, Ewell, A. P. Hill, Pat. Cleburne, M. F. Maury, Buchanan, and scores of others who should be household words among our people. The sketches of Lee and Jackson are the only ones which make any pretence to being even fairly appreciative, (and they are both utterly unworthy of their subjects,) and that of Lee is marred by inexcusable blunders in his name, and place of birth, in giving him the position of commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies in 1862, and in apologizing for his grave mistake in invadin
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 66
its full benefits. 3. The book (p. 270) pronounces the firing on the Star of the West at Charleston the opening act of the civil war. On page 276, speaking of Lincoln's inaugural address, it says: He threw upon the politicians of the South the whole responsibility of the calamities which must follow the destruction of the Unio political rape—was in any sense justifiable. 8. We call attention to the outrage, at the bottom of page 281, of teaching our children that in the death of Abraham Lincoln The South felt that it had lost its best friend; . . . . . and that his name is fitly coupled with that of Washington, and the martyred President will ever re to do, the universal plundering done by Federal troops in the South, and the orders of General Lee in Pennsylvania. 10. The statements on pages 295-296 that Mr. Lincoln acted in good faith as to slavery (notwithstanding he said in his inaugural address that he had no right or disposition to interfere with it), and that the Sout
t the author here refers back to paragraph 484 for proof], and it seems perfectly clear that the book means to teach that secession leaders in the cabinet of Mr. Buchanan had stripped Northern arsenals to supply the South with arms, had scattered the navy in order to paralize the National Government, and had really brought it about that the South was better prepared for the war than the North. This is a favorite theory with Northern writers, it is fully brought out in such books as Greely, Draper, Lossing, Moore's Rebellion Record and Badeau, which the author advises our children to read, and we are not surprised that she adopts it. This theory is, of course, utterly untrue, and would seem to need no labored refutation; but if any one desires to go into the matter more fully, let him read the article on Confederate Ordnance, by the able and accomplished chief of the Department, General J. Gorgas, published in the January-February, ‘84, number of our Southern his-Torical Society pa
N. B. Forrest (search for this): chapter 66
ding armies, for many of the Federals sketched would not come under this head, while a number of Confederates who commanded armies, such as John B. Floyd, Henry A. Wise. J. A. Early, John B. Hood, S. D. Lee, Leonidas Polk, Stirling Price, Earl Van Dorn, Kirby Smith, Dick Taylor, Hardee, &c., are omitted. The truth is the Confederates largely outnumbered the Federals in men worthy of places in general history, and for Southern schools it is unpardonable to omit such names as Ashby, Stuart, Forrest, Hampton, Ewell, A. P. Hill, Pat. Cleburne, M. F. Maury, Buchanan, and scores of others who should be household words among our people. The sketches of Lee and Jackson are the only ones which make any pretence to being even fairly appreciative, (and they are both utterly unworthy of their subjects,) and that of Lee is marred by inexcusable blunders in his name, and place of birth, in giving him the position of commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies in 1862, and in apologizing for h
U. S. Grant (search for this): chapter 66
der of the war—that Sherman's march to the sea (p. 310) was one of the most celebrated events of history—that, considering his surroundings and the place of his birth, Geo. H. Thomas's adherence to the Union (p. 303) is remarkable—that the characteristics of E. M. Stanton's administration (p. 327) were integrity, energy, determination, singleness of purpose, and the power to comprehend the magnitude of the rebellion and the labor and cost in blood and treasure involved in suppressing it—that Grant's generalship at Chattanooga is considered by military authorities the masterpiece of the war, and the horrible sacrifice of his men in the campaign of 1864 justifiable, and that President Hayes, in making his appointments, (p. 339) consulted the service of the public rather than that of the politicians, and regulated both his appointments and dismissals by questions of personal worth. And in this connection we call especial attention to the general scope and bearing of the biographical
Maryland Legislature, and the pinning of Kentucky to the Union by Federal bayonets. 6. All of the ingenious twisting possible cannot make the account of the Baltimore riot (p. 277) fair, in view of the well-established facts that the troops fired first on the citizens, in response to their jeers and the throwing of several stones from the crowd, and that the attempt to make this Massachusetts regiment the representatives of the patriots who were fired on by British soldiers at Lexington in 1775, exactly reverses and falsifies the truth of history. These Massachusetts soldiers were the invaders, and the unarmed citizens of Baltimore (nine of whom were killed and a number wounded, while only two soldiers were killed and several wounded) were the patriotic defenders of their homes; the soldiers were the representatives of despotic power, and the citizens of patriots struggling for independence. 7. The statement (p. 278) that a majority of the people of West Virginia were attached
names as Ashby, Stuart, Forrest, Hampton, Ewell, A. P. Hill, Pat. Cleburne, M. F. Maury, Buchanan, and scores of others who should be household words among our people. The sketches of Lee and Jackson are the only ones which make any pretence to being even fairly appreciative, (and they are both utterly unworthy of their subjects,) and that of Lee is marred by inexcusable blunders in his name, and place of birth, in giving him the position of commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies in 1862, and in apologizing for his grave mistake in invading Pennsylvania, in 1863, on the ground that he yielded his own judgment and advice to a higher political power, whereas the facts are that this campaign was undertaken not only with General Lee's full appobation, but at his own suggestion, and that it would have culminated in a brilliant success, and in the Independence of the Confederacy, but for the failure of others. 9. We insist that the statement about the plundered Kentuckians (p. 2
rn writers, it is fully brought out in such books as Greely, Draper, Lossing, Moore's Rebellion Record and Badeau, which the author advises our children to read, and we are not surprised that she adopts it. This theory is, of course, utterly untrue, and would seem to need no labored refutation; but if any one desires to go into the matter more fully, let him read the article on Confederate Ordnance, by the able and accomplished chief of the Department, General J. Gorgas, published in the January-February, ‘84, number of our Southern his-Torical Society papers, and they will find a thorough refutation of this slander, a precise statement of the very small number of arms with which the Confederacy begun the war, and a clear account of how we were not only without arms, but without arsenals, armories, founderies, percussion cap manufactories, machinery, powder mills, material, or even skilled workmen. And when it is remembered that the white population upon which the Confederacy co
M. F. Maury, Buchanan, and scores of others who should be household words among our people. The sketches of Lee and Jackson are the only ones which make any pretence to being even fairly appreciative, (and they are both utterly unworthy of their subjects,) and that of Lee is marred by inexcusable blunders in his name, and place of birth, in giving him the position of commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies in 1862, and in apologizing for his grave mistake in invading Pennsylvania, in 1863, on the ground that he yielded his own judgment and advice to a higher political power, whereas the facts are that this campaign was undertaken not only with General Lee's full appobation, but at his own suggestion, and that it would have culminated in a brilliant success, and in the Independence of the Confederacy, but for the failure of others. 9. We insist that the statement about the plundered Kentuckians (p. 286) is false, and that if it were true it would be unfair to introduce it wi
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