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Thanksgiving Discourse (search for this): chapter 2
entire social fabric? That these slaves form parts of our households, even as our children; and that, too, through a relationship recognized and sanctioned in the Scriptures of God, even as the other? Must I pause to show how it has fashioned our modes of life, and determined all our habits of thought and feeling, and molded the very type of our civilization? How then can the hand of violence be laid upon it, without involving our existence? --The South, her Peril and her Duty : a Thanksgiving Discourse, Nov. 29, 1860, by Rev. B. M. Palmer, D. D. Ten or fifteen years before the war, an eminent Doctor of Divinity of the Presbyterian Church, in Charles. ton, South Carolina, put forth two pamphlets, in which he sought to claim for that denomination the glory of the authorship of the Declaration of Independence, alleging that its form and substance were fashioned after the bands and covenants of the church in Scotland. Presbyterianism, he says exultingly, in praising the Declaratio
John Tyler (search for this): chapter 2
o have been arranged. They were assured that their well-managed sundering of the Democratic party at Charleston, in April, See page 23. would result in the election of Mr. Lincoln, and that the pretext for rebellion, so long and anxiously waited for, would be presented within a fort-night from that time. This meeting was followed by similar cabals in the other cotton-growing States; and, in Virginia, that ever-restless mischief-maker, ex-governor Henry A. Wise, with R. M. T. Hunter, John Tyler, James M. Mason, the author of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, who had been his co-plotter against the life of the Republic four years before, In response to an invitation from Wise, a convention of Governors of Slave-labor States was secretly held at Raleigh, North Carolina, of which Jefferson Davis, then the Secretary of War, was fully cognizant. The object was to devise a scheme of rebellion-at that time, in the event of the election of Colonel John C. Fremont, the Republican candid
Rolleston (search for this): chapter 2
t its fanatical oppression. Our minds are made up. The South will not wait until the 4th of March. We will be well under arms before then, or our safety must be guaranteed. Autograph letter to Josiah Williams, of Poughkeepsie, N. Y., dated Rolleston, near Norfolk, Va., December 24, 1860. Governor Wise, it will be remembered, was chiefly instrumental in procuring the execution of John Brown for treason, less than a year before. Four years later, his estate of Rolleston, near Norfolk, was Rolleston, near Norfolk, was occupied as a camp for freed negroes; and, in his mansion, a daughter of John Brown was teaching <*> children how to read and write the English language. Everywhere the conspirators and their followers and agents were sleepless in vigilance and tireless in energy. . Hundreds of telegraphic messages, volumes of letters, and scores of couriers, went from plantation to plantation, from village to village, from city to city, and from State to State, wherever the Slave power held sway, stirring
Howell Cobb (search for this): chapter 2
ful words for his class, the declaration of Howell Cobb (then President Buchanan's Secretary of thend constitutional advisers. The three were Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; Johre, you, and be prepared, on that day, to Howell Cobb. announce and maintain your independence oselves. Two days afterward, December 8, 1860. Cobb resigned his office, In his letter to Mr. Buchanan, resigning his office, Mr. Cobb frankly informed him that duty to his State required him to s afterward took up arms against his country. Cobb's plans had been matured. before the election tion, <*> san, of course, say nothing. As to Mr. Cobb's views, he is willing that I should communic that this is confidential — that is, neither Mr. Cobb nor myself must be quoted as the source of yomove. The iniquity of this recommendation of Cobb is made apparent by the fact, that it was a comant interruption of the office, and as you want Cobb's opinions, not mine, I send this to you. Yo[3 more...]
Foreman (search for this): chapter 2
for the protection of persons and property; and that for many years said States have occupied an attitude of hostility to the interests of the people of the said Middle District of Alabama. And the said Federal Government, having failed to execute its enactments for the protection of the property and interests of said Middle District, and this court having no jurisdiction in the premises, this Grand Jury do present the said Government as worthless, impotent, and a nuisance. C. G. Gunther, Foreman, and nineteen others Florida, the most dependent upon the Union for its prosperity of all the. States, and the recipient of most generous favors from the National Government, was, by the action of its treasonable politicians, and especially by its representatives in Congress, made the theater of some of the earliest and most active measures for the destruction of the Republic. Its Legislature met at Tallahassee on the 26th of November, and its Governor, Madison S. Perry, in his message
John D. Ashmore (search for this): chapter 2
et in conclave a band of men, like himself sworn to be defenders of his native land, from foes without and foes within, to plot schemes for the ruin of that country. At his table, and in secret session in his library, sat William H. Gist, then Governor of South Carolina; ex-governor James H. Adams; James L. Orr, once Speaker of the National House of Representatives; the entire Congressional Delegation of South Carolina, These were John McQueen, Lawrence M. Keitt, Milledge L. Bonham, John D. Ashmore, and William W. Boyce, of the House of Representatives, and Senators James H. Hammond and James Chesnut, Jr. excepting William Porcher Miles (who was compelled by sickness to be absent), and several other prominent men of that State. Then and there the plan for the overt act John Caldwell Calhoun. of rebellion, performed by South Carolinians in Convention at Charleston, sixty days later, seems to have been arranged. They were assured that their well-managed sundering of the Democra
Trescott (search for this): chapter 2
of my heart and judgment. As his views would, if he remained in the Cabinet, expose himself to suspicion, and put the President in a false position, he thought it proper to resign. In this, Mr. Cobb. was more honest and honorable than his traitorous associates in the Cabinet, who remained almost a month longer. hastened to Georgia, and afterward took up arms against his country. Cobb's plans had been matured. before the election of Mr. Lincoln. So early as the 1st of November, 1860, Trescott, the Assistant Secretary of State, wrote to the editor of the Charleston Mercury, as follows:-- Washington, Nov. 1, 1860. dear Rhett: I received your letter this morning. As to my views or opinions of the Administration, <*> san, of course, say nothing. As to Mr. Cobb's views, he is willing that I should communicate them to you, in order that they may aid you in forming your own judgment; but, you will understand that this is confidential — that is, neither Mr. Cobb nor myself mus
House (search for this): chapter 2
South, and but eleven from the North. Although nearly four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority of the Court has always been from the South. This we have received, so as to guard against any interpretation unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful to guard our interests in the Legislative branch of the Government. In, choosing the Presidents of the Senate, pro tempore, we have had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers of the, House, we have had twenty-three and they twelve. While the majority of the Representatives, from their greater population, have always been from the North, yet we have generally secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country. Nor have we had any less control in every other department of the General Government. Attorney-generals we have had fourteen, while the North have had but five. Foreign Ministers we have had eighty-six, and they but
James Conner (search for this): chapter 2
This solemn judicial farce was perfected by the formal resignation of Judge Magrath. With ludicrous gravity, he said to the jurors:--For the last time I have, as Judge of the United States, administered the laws of the United States within the limits of South Carolina. So far as I am concerned, the Temple of Justice, raised under the Constitution of the United States, is now closed. He then laid aside his gown, and retired. The Collector of Customs at Charleston, C. J. Colcock, and James Conner, the United States District Attorney, resigned at the same time; and B. C. Pressley, the National Sub-treasurer, also announced his determination to resign, as soon as he could with due respect to President make a formal declaration of the withdrawal of the State from the Union had not yet been authorized, the conspirators and their political instruments throughout South Carolina now acted as if disunion had been actually A. G. Magrath. accomplished. On the morning of the 7th, Nove
Henry L. Benning (search for this): chapter 2
ll in a conflict thus incited, the lives of two Federal soldiers should expiate the outrage on State Sovereignty. These were brave words in the absence of all danger. When that danger was nigh-when Federal soldiers under Sherman, just four years later, November, 1864. were marching through Georgia, in triumphant vindication of the National authority, Governor Brown and many members of the Legislature were trembling fugitives from that very capitol where Toombs, and Cobb, and Iverson, and Benning, and Brown himself, had fulminated their foolish threats. The Military Convention, by a heavy majority, voted in favor of secession; and this action had great weight with the Legislature and the people. On the following day, November 13. the Legislature voted an appropriation of a million of dollars for arming and equipping the Joseph E. Brown. militia of the State; and on the 7th of December, an act, calling a convention of the people, was passed, which provided for the election of
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